Black Immigrant Daily News

Prime Minister Gaston Browne has said that there continues to be a reluctance by other Caribbean governments to embrace LIAT 2020.

Browne returned last week from a meeting in St Lucia where CARICOM heads of government met to discuss the much-talked-about LIAT issue.

Although discussions were held on other pressing regional matters, LIAT’s resuscitation formed a major part of the talks.

“Based on the information, there is a significant degree of reticence within other Caribbean member states to embrace LIAT in the manner we thought that they would want to do at this particular time,” Information Minister Melford Nicholas told reporters

LIAT 1974 Ltd has been in administration since July 2020 and has been operating a reduced schedule with a limited workforce since November of that year. It is now set for liquidation.

“The government is committed to advancing the resuscitation of LIAT. LIAT has been able to maintain a degree of operations with just 2 aircraft and has been able to sustain the livelihood of 167 of its former employees and we are looking towards LIAT 2020 with a new possibility of increasing its presence in the Caribbean”, he added.

Furthermore, Nicholas said the loss of LIAT has been felt by everyone and Antigua and Barbuda is still committed to the airline.

“There may be an opportunity for some type of joint venture arrangement to be able to facilitate the expansion and resuscitation of LIAT, and the distribution from [Africa] to the Caribbean with an airline like Air Peace,” he said

Last year, LIAT’s shareholder governments – Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, St Vincent, and the Grenadines – agreed to restructure the airline and return it to commercial service.

Its former workers are said to be owed around EC$120 million in severance and other payments and it appears unlikely that they will be paid in full.

Some shareholder governments have offered financial and social assistance to employees based in their respective countries.

Last December, the government of Antigua and Barbuda disbursed EC$2 million as a “compassionate payment” to local former employees. However, EC$1.6 million of that remains unclaimed.

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Black Immigrant Daily News

Rihanna delivered an electrifying and hit-heavy half-time show at Sunday’s Super Bowl, but social media went into meltdown when the singer revealed an unexpected special guest.

In an interview last week, the Bajan singer was asked if there would be any surprises during her performance at Arizona’s State Farm Stadium.

“I’m thinking about bringing someone,” she replied. “I’m not sure, we’ll see.”

Naturally, fans assumed she was talking about one of the many artists she’s collaborated with during her illustrious career. A guest spot from Jay-Z, Drake or Eminem seemed both likely and in keeping with the half-time show tradition of surprise duets.

But Rihanna wasn’t referring to any of them. Although nobody twigged at the time, she was in fact hinting that she was pregnant with her second child.

The singer may have failed to debut any new music during her performance at Sunday’s Super Bowl, but the baby bump she debuted instead almost broke the internet.

Wearing an all-red custom jumpsuit by Loewe, Rihanna appeared on one of several floating platforms which soared high above the crowd, as a swarm of energetic dancers, all dressed in white, gathered below.

The audience went wild as the singer launched straight into Better Have My Money – a somewhat ironic opener considering she is not being paid for her Super Bowl performance.

As the 34-year-old dazzled the crowd from on high, her dancers performed beneath her at breakneck speed, in a display of razor-sharp choreography which they would maintain throughout the whole performance.

The singer rattled through several recognisable hits, front-loading her set with some of her most danceable and up-tempo numbers including Only Girl (In The World) and the excellent Where Have You Been.

It was a half-time show not short on spectacle, even once she had been lowered to the ground. Fireworks were let off above the stadium as she launched into the euphoric We Found Love.

While rumours that the star might take the opportunity to perform new music failed to materialise, the decision to rely on her extensive back catalogue, one of the strongest in pop, was a sensible one.

The singer packed a huge number of hits into a tight 14-minute set, only performing the first verse or chorus of certain songs. But monster hits such as Rude Boy were balanced with the somewhat harder-edged and lesser-known Pour It Up.

Somewhat disappointingly, the set list took advantage of some of her best-known collaborations – without any of her collaborators actually joining her on stage.

As she performed Run This Town, All of the Lights and Wild Thoughts, there were no appearances from Jay-Z, Ye (formerly Kanye West) or DJ Khaled, who normally feature on those tracks.

But their absence didn’t matter. By this point, everyone’s attention was firmly on an entirely different, and very visible, special guest.

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Black Immigrant Daily News

Nadia hushes the crying 3-month-old baby swaddled in her arms, gently planting kisses on her forehead.

She was 19, not ready to be a mother. But the young Haitian’s life changed when she was walking home from class on the dusty streets of a gang-controlled area of Haiti’s capital last year.

She was dragged into a car by a group of men, blindfolded and kidnapped. For three days, she was beaten, starved and gang-raped.

Months later, she learned that she was pregnant. In an instant, her dreams of studying and economically lifting her family dissolved.

As Haiti’s toxic slate of gangs continue to plunder the crisis-stricken Caribbean nation, kidnapping, displacing and extorting civilians with nothing left to give, they are increasinglyweaponizing women’s bodies in their war for control.

Women like Nadia live with the consequences.

“The most difficult part is that I have nothing to give her,” Nadia said of her daughter. “I’m scared because as she gets older to ask about her father, I won’t know what to tell her. … But I will have to explain to her that I was raped.”

The woman offered only the name of Nadia, which is not her real one, to The Associated Press, which does not identify survivors of sexual violence.

Long plagued by crisis — natural disasters, political turmoil, deep poverty and waves of cholera — Haiti spiraled into chaos after the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moise.

Sexual violence has long been used as an instrument of war around the world, a barbaric way to sow terror in communities and assert control.

“They’re running out of tools to control people,” said Renata Segura, deputy director for Latin America and the Caribbean for International Crisis Group. “They extort, but there’s only so much money that can be extorted from people that are really poor. This is the one thing they have they can inflict on the population.”

That fear has rippled across Port-au-Prince. Parents hesitate to send their children to school, worried they could be kidnapped or raped by gangs. By night, the buzzing streets of the city empty.

For women especially, going outside the house is a risk. So is fleeing: Gangs use the threat of rape to stop communities from abandoning the areas they control.

Helen La Lime, U.N. special envoy in Haiti, told the Security Council in late January that the gangs employ sexual violence to “destroy the social fabric of communities,” particularly in zones controlled by rival gangs.

They rape girls and boys as young as 10, she said.

Compounding that is severe underreporting, making it difficult for any authority to grasp the full extent of the damage. Women fear gangs will seek revenge on them and trust Haitian police just about as much.

The country’s current government, which many view as illegitimate, declined to comment on what it is doing to address the issue.

The U.N. documented 2,645 cases of sexual violence in 2022, a 45% increase from the year before. That figure is just a fraction of the real number of assaults.

Nadia was among those who did not report.

She struggled over if she would keep the baby when she learned that she was pregnant, but decided to give her daughter the best life that she could. In Port-au-Prince, a place already lacking in opportunity with high levels of poverty, it became impossible for the new mother to work or continue her studies.

Meanwhile doctors like Jovania Michel are trying to fill in the gaps.

Michel works in one of the only hospitals in Cite Soleil, the epicenter of the gang wars in Port-au-Prince. There, she sees mothers who were gang-raped after their husbands were killed; sexual violence survivors living on the streets, unable to return home out of fear that it could happen again; and survivors suffering from sexually transmitted infections.

“Sexual violence is a way to paralyze, to scare people. The minute there’s an increase in sexual violence, everyone stops moving, people don’t go to work because they’re scared,” Michel said. “It’s a weapon, it’s a way to send a message.”

That was the case for one 36-year-old woman, who spoke with the AP dressed in a shirt with bright red roses, her hair pulled back carefully in braids. She asked to remain unnamed for fear of retaliation.

The woman once ran a boutique with her husband in Haiti’s capital to put her two daughters and son through school. In July, a group of armed men, members of the gang G-Pep, showed up on their doorstep and told them they needed money for bullets.

Unable to get the cash, the men took her husband away at 8 p.m.

The next day, she found his body in a gutter. She fled the neighborhood, sending her children to live with friends and family in other parts of the city. Meanwhile, she slept alone on the streets, joining at least 155,000 other Haitians forcibly displaced by violence.

In December, when she tried to return home, the gangsters raped and beat her.

“I’m a professional, and out of nowhere these bandits come and made me lose everything. I’m not good. I’m not okay. It all makes me really angry. I got to a point that I wanted to kill myself,” the woman said.

Standing straight with a firm jaw and her head tilted upward, she brushed tears from her face.

When she tried to report the rape to police, they told her that they didn’t handle gang cases.

Today, sleeping in a park with other forcibly displaced Haitians, the one thing that brings her hope is that her children, whom she rarely sees, may still live a better life.

But she worries what deep instability and rising gang control in Haiti will mean.

“I’m not living in a good country,” she said.

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Black Immigrant Daily News

Mesye dam bonjou (Good morning all). Thank you for coming and let me begin by thanking the Government of Haiti for its invitation to visit, and for the frank discussions we have had over the past two days.

At a time when multiple crises around the world are competing for attention, I fear that the situation in Haiti is not receiving the urgent spotlight that it deserves. As the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, I am here to cast that spotlight and to help spur action for Haitians.

The world needs to hear what I have borne witness to and what my colleagues document every day from some of the poorest, most frightening situations in the world – a capital city where, in many areas, predatory armed gangs control access to water, food, healthcare and fuel, where kidnappings are rampant, children are prevented from going to school, recruited to perpetrate violence and subjected to it. A country where one out of every two people faces hunger, lives in extreme poverty and does not have regular access to clean drinking water. Where prisoners are dying of malnutrition, cholera and more. Let’s not forget the vulnerability of the country to natural disasters.

The issues are vast and overwhelming.

But I am also here to caution against writing off the situation in Haiti as insurmountable and hopeless. Haiti and Haitians must not be defined by the reductionist view of them as victims.

Many speak of a country that lurches from crisis to crisis. I see a people with a long history of resilience and grit in the face of a series of crises, from natural disasters to man-made ones imposed from the outside and from within. This is, after all, a country born out of the fight for dignity and human rights against colonialism, slavery, systemic racism and oppression.

I also sensed, however, the exhaustion that comes from shouldering these burdens day after day, and I heard a plea for help. An SOS cry from the much-beleaguered communities.

The way out of these multiple human rights crises must be owned and led by the people of Haiti, but the magnitude of the problems is such that they need the international community’s active attention and targeted support.

Today, I am issuing a report* by my Office that sets out the debilitating impact of gang violence in several parts of the Cit? Soleil region of Port-au-Prince. In just one neighbourhood of Brooklyn – in the grip of gang violence – at least 263 people were killed, 285 injured and four disappeared between 8 July and 31 December 2022. We have documented rapes and gang rapes of women and girls, destruction and pillage of houses and displacement of people from their homes. Since July, gangs have been perpetrating a near permanent climate of terror, including by employing snipers to shoot at people indiscriminately. Movement of individuals is restricted and access to basic needs blocked, including water, food and sanitation services – creating an environment ripe for the spread of infectious diseases, including most recently, cholera.

With entire communities effectively held hostage by gangs, State social services are largely absent. While non-governmental organisations and UN agencies are working to provide much needed aid, so-called “foundations” in these neighbourhoods are often used by gangs to exert control.

These gangs possess a range of weapons and sow fear and violence into the communities they control. Sources have informed us that members of the gangs distributed machetes to relatives of people killed by a rival gang coalition calling on them to take revenge.

It is estimated that some 200 gangs operate around Haiti, in the capital but also spreading in the centre and northern regions of the country, such as the Artibonite and North departments. More than 500,000 children living in gang-controlled neighbourhoods are struggling to access education. Many have suffered grave violence.

I met a 12-year-old girl who survived being shot in the head by gang members. And another young girl who had been gang raped. Such depraved violence against the children, women and men of Haiti is met largely with impunity.

State authorities have not been able to respond adequately and at least 18 police officers have been killed since the beginning of this year due to gang violence.

The lack of resources and personnel in the police force, coupled with chronic corruption and a weak judicial system mean that impunity has been a core problem for decades now.

This must not continue.

In my discussion with senior officials, civil society, my UN colleagues and the international community here in Haiti, I have emphasized that measures to re-establish security will need to focus on accountability, prevention and protection to be successful and sustainable. There is an urgent need to strengthen the criminal justice system, improve the penitentiary system – notably with 80 percent of the prison population in pre-trial detention – and to address corruption and impunity.

Rampant corruption is a barrier to the realization of economic, social rights, further undermines already fragile institutions, including the judiciary and the police, and is deeply corrosive in every aspect of the daily lives of the Haitian people.

The prevailing security crisis has of course deepened the economic plight of Haitians. More than half of the 11.8 million people in Haiti live below the poverty line. In October last year, year-on-year inflation reached 47.2 percent. Some 4.7 million people are acutely food-insecure and a shocking 19,200 people are estimated to be in a catastrophic situation, living in famine-like conditions. In 2022, it is estimated that only one in two people (48%) had regular access to clean drinking water. The situation in prisons is particularly precarious, with ever-worsening shortages of food, medication and water.

Gang violence has displaced large numbers of people. As of November, there are 155,139 internally displaced people across the metropolitan area of Port-au-Prince. About a quarter of these displaced people live in spontaneous sites, most without access to basic services such as treated water, adequate hygiene and sanitation. The other 75 percent live within host communities, sharing already scarce resources. It is urgent for the authorities to respond to their particular situation.

In my discussions with civil society, the plight of vulnerable communities came out strongly, including women, LGBTI people, people with disabilities, young people and children. And what also came across strongly is the need for civil society organisations – and for that matter, every actor who can help shape events in the country – to play an active and constructive role in the political dialogue process and other platforms to identify solutions – small-scale and large-scale, short-, medium-, and long-term.

The situation in Haiti is desperate. But there is a wellspring of potential to turn the corner. To unleash the potential for profound change, political and economic elites must overcome their indifference to the suffering of the majority. They must ensure that it is the Haitian people who wield the power. I have called on the authorities to pursue an inclusive dialogue, building on the 21 December national consensus agreement, to find lasting solutions to the multidimensional crisis that Haiti is undergoing, particularly through the organization of prompt, free and transparent elections for the restoration of democratic institutions.

I have also urged the international community to ensure that Haiti features high on its agenda. The Haitian National Police needs immediate coordinated international support commensurate to the challenges to strengthen its capacity to respond to the security situation in a manner consistent with its human rights obligations. I also call on the international community to urgently consider the deployment of a time-bound specialized support force under conditions that conform with international human rights laws and norms, with a comprehensive and precise action plan. This must be accompanied by rapid and sustainable re-establishment of State institutions in gang-free zones, as well as a profound reform of the judicial and penitentiary system. The sanctions regime is an important first step. It needs to be accompanied by bringing perpetrators to justice in Haiti.

Equally important is strengthened international cooperation for increased border controls to stop the illicit arms trade and trafficking.

Given the history of international involvement in Haiti, there are lots of lessons to be learned. International involvement needs to be approached with humility, with the consistent, active participation of the people of Haiti and with a constant eye on the most vulnerable.

And until the dire situation in the country is resolved, it is clear that the systematic violations and abuses of human rights do not currently allow for the safe, dignified and sustainable return of Haitians to Haiti.

Even so, 176,777 Haitian migrants were repatriated last year. In my visit to the Ouanaminthe in the northeast of the country, I heard terrible stories of the humiliating treatment to which many migrants are subjected to, including pregnant women and unaccompanied or separated children.

Let me stress this again: international human rights law prohibits refoulement and collective expulsions without an individual assessment of all protection needs prior to return.

I leave Haiti shortly, but of course the important work of the human rights team within the UN presence here will continue. I welcome the openness of the Government of Haiti to strengthening the UN human rights presence in the country. There is much scope for us to support the Haitian people and work alongside them to strengthen their institutions, help strengthen civic space, to continue to monitor and report on human rights violations and abuses, encourage survivor-centred approaches to combatting sexual violence, support to judicial authorities and Haitian National Police and more. I commit to reinforce my Office’s support to confront these challenges.

A profound transformation is needed in Haiti and human rights need to be at the centre of envisioning a better future for all. I am hopeful that with the active involvement and wisdom of its people, coupled with international support and assistance, Haitians can bring out the incredible richness of this country. Despite all the problems, progress is possible. On our part, we pledge to stand with the Haitians who are taking great risks, every day, to protect human rights in the most trying of circumstances.

Mysion mwen an fini men travay la ap kontinye. M?si anpil. (My mission ends but the work continues. Thank you very much.)

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