Black Immigrant Daily News

By Riyad Insanally

On January 24 last, the Kaieteur News (KN) reported that an erroneous map of Guyana was used by Rystad Energy, as part of a panel discussion at the recently held Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) Energy Conference.[i] The offending map showed part of the Stabroek Block as belonging to Venezuela. Curiously, there was no Guyanese official on the panel, which dealt with “The role the Southern Caribbean can play in meeting the global demand for natural gas and petrochemicals” but, fortunately, KN publisher Glenn Lall brought the matter to the attention of the Conference organisers and President Irfaan Ali. Following the President’s intervention, the T&T Energy Chamber apologised “unreservedly” and disseminated a new map.

This is just one example of the need for continuous vigilance regarding the demarcation of Guyana’s borders. Mr Lall’s alertness and President Ali’s action were commendable. One can only hope that the egregious error had also been spotted by Guyanese government officials and private sector representatives in the room and that they were lining up to make their objections known.

President Ali is clearly the chief spokesman at international forums for Guyana’s new-found status as a rapidly evolving energy producer. This is good given the need for the Head of State to be at the forefront of Guyana’s energy diplomacy. One therefore expects that he is ensuring he has at his disposal the expertise and support necessary to present the country’s energy policies and imperatives in the best possible way.

Energy Diplomacy

In August 2022, I was invited to deliver closing remarks at a ground-breaking course on Energy Diplomacy, organised by the Diplomatic Academy of the Caribbean, housed at the Institute of International Relations, at the St. Augustine Campus of The University of the West Indies.

Most of the course participants came from T&T’s public and private sectors, with a sprinkling coming from other Caricom countries. There was only one participant from Guyana, who seemed to have signed up of her own accord. There was no one from the Ministry of Natural Resources or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The virtual course focused on global energy governance and the dynamics of global energy politics, as well as on the importance of foreign policy and diplomacy in the quest for energy security. Unsurprisingly, there was also a focus on Guyana’s emergence as a petrostate, which has tremendous implications for Caricom. The course’s scope and structure, designed by Professor Anthony Bryan, were comprehensive and well-thought out. It was both timely and necessary and should serve as a template for future training in an area critical to Caricom’s economic development and security.

The Need for Energy Security

The need for energy security, not only in the Caribbean but across the world, has become more acute following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the disruption to the global energy market. Against this backdrop, the quest for new supplies and the prospects of new investments could be advantageous to the Caribbean in two respects: i) the exploitation of hydrocarbons in Guyana, Suriname and T&T, and exploration in other parts of the region; and ii) accelerating the transition to renewable energy.

For the Southern Caribbean, in particular, with huge reserves of high quality, sweet, light crude in Guyana and potentially Suriname, as well as abundant natural gas in T&T, the increased global demand for oil and gas is a good thing. As Western nations push for augmented production, there is an opportunity for Guyana and T&T to help alleviate supply concerns and increase their geopolitical influence. With a coordinated policy, these countries should be able to leverage their resources to position themselves better in their relations with the United States and the European Union (EU), in spite of the movement away from hydrocarbons to renewables.

On the other hand, even with Guyana’s impressively rising rates of oil production, it and most Caricom countries are heavily reliant on imported fossil fuels, so much so that increasingly volatile pricing can wreak havoc on their budgets. They furthermore have some of the highest average electricity costs in the Americas. It will be some time yet before Guyana can play the role many hope it can play in anchoring regional energy security. But, with informed energy diplomacy, it can start manoeuvring to take advantage of the current global energy scenario to attract bilateral and multilateral support for capacity building, investments and technology transfers to support both the energy transition in the context of the Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS), as well as downstream development.

Energy Dependence is Energy Insecurity

Europe’s dependence on Russian energy has hitherto given Russia tremendous leverage in its relations with the EU. In the face of Russia’s weaponization of oil and gas, the EU is working to correct this strategic blunder. But the lesson is clear: energy dependence is bad; it is tantamount to energy insecurity.

Recognising this reality, Caricom Heads at their July 2022 meeting in Suriname, devoted considerable time to energy security and agreed on the following:

Approval of a paper on Economic Development and Energy Transition and Climate Change as the Community’s “overarching strategy in advancing energy security”;
Increased “focus and investment in energy security by utilising and harnessing hydrocarbon resources in the region towards reducing dependency on external resources and supplying the growing global needs arising out of the Russia-Ukraine conflict”;
The pursuit of “energy diversification and security through making use of significant assets in the Region with immediate existing capacity in LNG and fertiliser for agriculture”;
The development of the renewable energy sector “through building infrastructure to meet regional power generation needs”; and
Urging the United States to remove the sanctions on Venezuela to allow for countries in “the region to benefit from the PetroCaribe initiative and for progress on the exploitation of cross-border natural gas fields between Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela”.[ii]

The first four objectives make perfect sense in the current global energy context. They will, of course, require the deployment of appropriate resources – human, financial and technical – to ensure implementation. T&T’s desire to exploit cross-border natural gas fields in the adjoining maritime area with Venezuela is also understandable. The announcement on January 24 that the US has approved the waiver of sanctions to allow T&T to develop the Dragon Field in Venezuelan waters has therefore been welcomed across the region.

One hopes, however, that it is not Caricom’s intention to put its eggs once more into the PetroCaribe basket, which would be a resurrection of not only energy dependence but also debt dependence. Of course, Barbados and T&T never did sign on to PetroCaribe. And Guyana only took 50% of its needs under PetroCaribe for strategic reasons, until the arrangement fell apart in 2015 when Venezuela began to raise the temperature over its claim to Guyana’s territory and maritime area. If anything, those Caricom states that were party to PetroCaribe would do well to recall the precarious position they found themselves in after its collapse, especially with no guarantee that Venezuela will be able to become, in the short to medium term, a reliable supplier to the Caribbean.

Caricom needs to avoid dependence on PetroCaribe and, for that matter, any other arrangement that leads to greater energy insecurity. Indeed, it needs to become less dependent on expensive, imported fossil fuels. To do so, though, Caricom countries will need to find ways to move towards energy efficiency and a certain degree of self-sufficiency, in other words, energy security.

One possible avenue for achieving this is the US-Caribbean Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis 2030 (PACC2030) and its promise to promote the energy transition and energy resilience in the region. Although concrete details are scarce, with proper engagement and negotiation, assistance should be forthcoming to build capacity in individual countries and regionally, and to establish investment facilitation teams to unlock new financing for climate and clean energy projects in the Caribbean. Ultimately, success will depend on how Caribbean governments develop and present a joint strategy in negotiations with the US, to take advantage of PACC2030’s potential.

Conclusion

The PACC 2030 negotiations, the follow-up to COP 27 and the pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, among other processes, will necessitate robust and well-coordinated energy diplomacy by Caricom. Achieving the transition to renewable energy and ensuring energy efficiency and energy security, as well as leveraging the Southern Caribbean’s energy resources, will require technocrats and diplomats capable of advancing the region’s energy interests, in a volatile and sometimes contradictory global environment. The harmonising of regional policies and frameworks to achieve economies of scale will also be critical for success. This, arguably, is the future of energy diplomacy in the Caribbean.

As the emerging leader in the Caricom energy space, Guyana is poised to play a pivotal role in all this. The 2023 budget has allocated GY$45 billion (up from GY$33 billion in 2022) to the education sector and GY$500 million (approximately US$2.3 million) has been earmarked from a World Bank US$20 million loan for building institutional capacity for the management of the oil and gas sector in the Ministries of Natural Resources, Public Works and Finance, the Geology and Mines Commission, and the Environmental Protection Agency. It is not clear how much of the Foreign Ministry’s allocation is to be spent on training Foreign Service Officers, but it is to be hoped that some of the funds in the budget destined for education and capacity building will be spent on training in energy diplomacy.

Guyana has all to play for. There is a definite need for a new cadre of diplomats and other public officials imbued with a deep understanding of the geopolitics of energy and equipped with the skills to navigate the interlocking worlds of climate change and energy security, and to negotiate in the best interests of Guyana and the region. Indeed, members of the private sector could also benefit from such training.

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Dr Riyad Insanally, CCH was a career diplomat for 31 years and last served as Guyana’s Ambassador to the United States of America and Permanent Representative to the Organization of American States, from September 2016 to June 2021. He is currently a Senior Fellow at the Caribbean Initiative of the Atlantic Council’s Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center, in Washington, DC.

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Black Immigrant Daily News

On behalf of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Deputy Secretary-General, Amina Mohammed, and the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Italy, Antonio Tajani, announced today the UN Food Systems Stocktaking Moment, will take place in Rome, Italy from 24 – 26 July 2023, at the premises of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO).

The high-level meeting will serve as the first global follow-up to the 2021 Food Systems Summit, where more than 50,000 people, including 77 Heads of State and Government, from 193 countries, committed to accelerate and deepen the transformative power of food systems, for the full realization of all 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Italy hosted the Pre-Food Systems Summit in Rome in July 2021, an inclusive substantial preparatory event that gathered leaders and numerous stakeholders.

“I am looking forward to Italy’s leadership in bringing together stakeholders to create the evidence that food systems transformation is a critical SDGs accelerator,” said Ms Mohammed, stressing that “more sustainable, equitable, healthy and resilient food systems directly impact people’s lives and livelihoods as we strive for a better future for people and for the planet.”

The UN Food Systems Stocktaking Moment will be hosted by Italy, in collaboration with the Rome-based UN Agencies (FAO, IFAD, WFP), the UN Food Systems Coordination Hub and the wider UN system. The aim is to provide opportunities for countries to report on progress made at the national level since the UN Food Systems Summit in 2021 and their contributions to the achievement of the 2030 Agenda – despite a current global context that has substantially changed.

The number of people unable to afford a healthy diet increased by an additional 112 million between 2019 to 2020, to almost 3.1 billion, reflecting the impacts of rising consumer food prices during the pandemic.

“I strongly welcome the decision of the UN to accept Italy’s offer to host and co-organize in Rome the UN Food Systems Stocktaking Moment, together with the UN Rome-based agencies, the UN Food Systems Coordination Hub and the wider UN system”, said Minister Tajani. “Italy, with the strategic involvement of its strong and innovative agrifood sector, is committed to play an increasingly active role in supporting the efforts of the international community to promote food security and transformative and innovative solutions for sustainable and efficient food systems throughout the world. As one of oldest and most influential food cultures of the world, we intend to play our part in addressing one of the key challenges for the achievement of the 2030 Agenda”.

The three-day meeting will further highlight the central role of food systems transformations in overall SDG advancement ahead of the Sustainable Development Goals Summit in September 2023. It will also be a conducive space for countries to share stories of success and early signs of transformation and maintain the momentum for bold acceleration and bold action to further the resilience of food systems.

The FAO Director-General, QU Dongyu, expressed full support for the Stocktaking meeting for transformation of agrifood systems to be more efficient, inclusive, resilient and sustainable for better production, nutrition, environment and a life leaving no one behind.

The UN and Italy called on all countries and food systems actors to “prepare and seize the opportunity” of the Stocktaking Moment to reaffirm the world’s commitment to act with urgency, at scale and in line with the promise of the SDGs.

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Black Immigrant Daily News

The Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), QU Dongyu, will visit Bridgetown, Barbados, on Monday, for both a technical and political agenda.

The Director-General’s trip will kick off with a visit to the Bridgetown Fisheries Complex, where he will find out more about the implementation of a FAO supported fish silage project, a process that transforms fish waste into a liquid mixture of hydrolyzed proteins, lipids, minerals, and other nutrients that both terrestrial and aquatic animals can digest. It can also serve as an excellent fertilizer.

In this context, the Director-General will meet with Adrian Forde, Barbados’ Minister of The Environment and National Beautification, Green and Blue Economy, and leaders of local fishermen’s associations.

QU will then travel to the United Nations office in Barbados, where he will participate in the Launch of the Early Warnings for All Initiative (EW4ALL) for the Caribbean, whose primary focus is to mobilize the Prime Ministers of the Caribbean to support and facilitate national and regional governance mechanisms to reduce the risks of climate catastrophes.

The event will be attended by the Prime Minister of Barbados Mia Mottley, the Prime Minister of Saint Lucia Philip J. Pierre, along with Amina J. Mohammed, Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, and Dr. Carla Barnett, Secretary-General of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), among other authorities.

The Director-General’s first day in the Caribbean will conclude with a working meeting with the Prime Minister of Barbados Mia Mottley, at the presidential office.

On Tuesday 7, the Director-General will participate in the sixth meeting of the Global Leaders Group on Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR), an initiative promoted by FAO, the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE), and the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP).

This group was established to collaborate globally with governments, agencies, civil society, and the private sector through the “One Health” approach to provide advice on implementing policy measures to mitigate drug-resistant infections through responsible and sustainable access to and use of antimicrobials.

Antimicrobial drugs are essential for treating diseases, and their use is crucial to human, animal, and plant health. However, the misuse and overuse of antimicrobials are of significant concern regarding to the emergence and spread of antimicrobial-resistant microorganisms. Because of AMR, drug-resistant infections represent an increasing burden to human and animal health and the environment.

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Black Immigrant Daily News

By Sir Ronald Sanders

All the countries of ‘the Americas.’ i.e., those in North, Central and South America and the Caribbean are experiencing political, social and economic trials to some extent.

In large part, these trials, in most countries, are the result of several factors, including persistent historical societal inequalities, the lingering economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global consequences of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the prices of food, oil and gas, and the worldwide chain of supply of goods and services.

However, in some countries of ‘the Americas’, the tribulations are caused by undemocratic practices by governments or other power holders.

The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), usually reliable for the thoroughness of its investigation and analysis, recently published its Democracy Index for 2022. The Index is based on five categories: electoral process and pluralism, functioning of government, political participation, political culture, and civil liberties.

The EIU ranks only 4 countries of ‘the Americas’ among the top 22 fully democratic nations of the world. These are: Uruguay (11), Canada (12) Costa Rica (17) and Chile (19). The United States of America (US) is ranked at number 30 of the 167 countries that were examined.

Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) experiences its seventh consecutive year of decline in 2022 in the EIU table. The area’s average score fell to 5.79, down from 5.83 in 2021. However, I point out that The Bahamas, Barbados and the 6 independent countries in the Eastern Caribbean, Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Grenada, St Kitts-Nevis, St Lucia and St Vincent and the Grenadines, were not examined. This omission is probably due to the smallness of the populations of these countries, although it is an omission in the EIU analysis which should be corrected.

According to the EIU, the countries driving the 2022 decline in the LAC are Haiti (-0.68), El Salvador (-0.66) and Mexico (-0.32). Countries recording more modest declines include Peru (-0.17) and Brazil (-0.08). Peru’s declining score ranks it lower than a “flawed democracy”.

“Weak state capacity” is cited by the EIU as a major cause of the region’s low scores related to the functioning of government and political culture.

The analysis concludes that “the most extreme case of weakening state capacity in the region is Haiti, which experiences the area’s steepest fall in score in 2022”. Stating that the interim prime minister, Ariel Henry, has “failed to re-establish the state’s control over parts of the country, ceding ground to heavily armed gangs, many linked to drug-trafficking networks”, the EUI blames Mr Henry for “failing to call elections, which led to significant score downgrades”. The EUI also regards Henry’s call for foreign intervention to help re-establish order, as “an abdication of leadership and a damaging admission that the country is no longer capable of self-rule”.

Regarding Peru, this country has declined rapidly into political chaos. As I pointed out in a recent commentary, the cause of the current crisis, while it is a struggle for power between rival political parties, is rooted in economic discrimination and marginalization of indigenous people. Even in the midst of social and political upheaval, which should have demanded inclusionary dialogue to find a solution, the response has been a disproportional use of force by the military against protestors, resulting in the deaths of 58 persons so far.

These events in Peru led to the introduction of a Declaration at the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) by Antigua and Barbuda and Colombia. The Declaration, which was adopted by the OAS on January 30, called for “respect the right to assembly and for protest to be exercised in a peaceful manner” and for the resumption of dialogue to “build consensus to overcome the current situation”, and also for “the prompt holding of free, fair and transparent general elections, with international electoral observation.” The latter is unlikely to happen anytime soon. The Peruvian Congress has refused to bring forward the date of elections, even though the current President of Peru, Dina Boluarte, has called for it in the wake of angry demonstrations.

Both Peru and Haiti will occupy the attention of the member states of the OAS in the coming weeks. Haiti will be a greater priority for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). Haiti is now run, for all practical internal purposes, by more than 200 armed gangs, according to United Nations and Haitian National Police figures. The situation has worsened since 9 October 2022, when Prime Minister Henry wrote to the OAS Secretary-General, Luis Almagro, asking countries “that are friends of Haiti” to deploy “without delay a specialized international armed force” to address “the breakdown in security.” There was no formal response from the OAS, although diplomatic representatives have informally expressed concerns about the provision of an “international armed force”, who would contribute to it, how would it be financed, under what terms, including immunity, would it operate, and for how long.

Pierre Espe?rance, the Executive Director of the National Human Rights Defense Network (RNDDH) in Haiti, claimed in a publication on February 2, that “the root of the problem lies in the corruption of successive governments and their increasing use of gangs to suppress public protests, provide personal protection, and ultimately to retain their hold on power.” Espe?rance rejects an international armed force entering Haiti, saying: “… such a force cannot possibly be effective in the current political chaos. Henry effectively rules on his own, with no Parliament, as just last month, the mandate of the 10 remaining members of the Haitian Senate expired for lack of elections in recent years. And yet, elections make no sense in the current tumult.”

The internal situation in Haiti, as in Peru, poses enormous difficulties for the world’s governments to help. In both countries, there has first to be internal political agreement that external governments can support. Everyone wants to help, but all the parties within Haiti and Peru must first agree on the nature of the help they want and the terms on which it could be provided.

The issues to be settled internally are precisely the categories in the EUI index of Democracy: electoral process and pluralism, functioning of government, political participation, political culture, and civil liberties.

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