Cuba Says It Regrets Jamaica’s Decision To End Medical Cooperation Amid U.S. Pressure

By NAN NEWS EDITOR

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Mon. Mar. 9, 2026: Cuba has expressed deep regret over Jamaica’s decision to terminate decades-long medical cooperation between the two Caribbean nations, saying the move reflects pressure from the United States rather than the health needs of the region.

FLASHBACK – In 2010, 140 members of the Henry Reeve International Contingent of Doctors Specialized in Disasters and Serious Epidemics left for Jamaica to join this country’s fight against SARS-CoV-2 virus.

In a statement issued March 6, Cuba’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Jamaica’s Foreign Ministry formally notified Cuban officials on March 4 of the unilateral decision to end the bilateral health cooperation agreement that has linked the two countries for decades.

“With this action, the government of Jamaica yields to the pressures of the government of the United States,” the Cuban statement said, adding that Washington “is not concerned about the health needs of the Caribbean brothers.”

The decision will lead to the withdrawal of Cuba’s medical brigade from Jamaica, which currently includes 277 healthcare professionals working across the island.

A Longstanding Caribbean Partnership

Cuba noted that over the past 30 years more than 4,700 Cuban medical collaborators have served in Jamaica, providing healthcare support in hospitals, clinics, and rural communities.

According to Cuban officials, the program has produced significant outcomes:

• More than 8.1 million patients treated
• 74,302 surgeries performed
• 7,170 births attended
• Over 90,000 lives saved

Through the Operation Miracle program, launched in Jamaica in 2010, Cuban doctors also helped restore or improve the vision of nearly 25,000 Jamaicans.

The Cuban government said its medical professionals have also supported disease prevention programs, malaria control, and COVID-19 response efforts across the island.

Regional Ripple Effects

Jamaica’s decision comes as several Caribbean and Latin American governments face mounting U.S. pressure to end or modify medical cooperation agreements with Cuba. In a statement, Jamaica said it has taken the decision after the two sides were unable to “agree on the terms and conditions of a new technical cooperation arrangement, following the expiration of the previous agreement in February 2023.”

Cuban medical professionals have been serving in various public health facilities across the island, and Jamaicans have benefited notably from the eye care programme as well as the general care by nurses and doctors. 

The Government of Jamaica has expressed its sincere appreciation to the Government of Cuba for its significant contribution to the health sector in Jamaica. 

In recent months, countries including Guyana, The Bahamas, Antigua and Barbuda, Honduras, and Guatemala have either ended or phased out similar arrangements.

U.S. officials have argued that Cuba’s medical missions exploit healthcare workers by taking a portion of their salaries and restricting their freedom of movement.

However, many Caribbean governments have long viewed the programs as essential to maintaining healthcare services in small island states where shortages of doctors and specialists are common.

Cuba’s Response

Cuba said its doctors will leave Jamaica “with the satisfaction of a duty fulfilled” but reaffirmed its commitment to solidarity with Caribbean nations.

“The Jamaican people will always be able to count on the selfless cooperation of Cuba,” the statement said.

The departure of the Cuban Medical Brigade could create new pressure on Jamaica’s healthcare system, particularly in rural areas where foreign medical support has historically filled staffing gaps.

For the wider Caribbean, the move highlights the growing geopolitical tension shaping health cooperation across the region. Jamaican American actress, Sheryl Lee Ralph joined the conversation surrounding the discontinuation of the Cuban Medical Brigade program by asking on social media: “Will America now send the doctors so badly needed in Jamaica?.”

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The Long Siege Of Cuba & Caribbean Geopolitics: The Prequel To King Kong And The Island

By Ron Cheong

News Americas, TORONTO, Canada, Mon. Mar. 9, 2026: In a previous piece titled King Kong and The Island, it was argued that the long-running embargo and now naval “oil blockade” was cruel and unusual punishment against an island and its people. These actions have inflicted severe hardship and brought the nation to the brink of collapse, all in pursuit of self-determination.  Furthermore, the suffering has been inflicted by a superpower that is now demonstrating much less moral character than the people it directs its fury against, in the name of high-minded objectives. Whatever the flaws in the Cuban system, Cuba has demonstrated resilience, cohesion, and a people-centered ethic, which the US itself increasingly lacks.

People with portable lights during a blackout in Havana on March 4, 2026. (Photo by Adalberto ROQUE / AFP via Getty Images)

In addition to the above aggression, there has been a military strike on Venezuela without follow-through to support democracy there. There is also the war against Iran, which is driving up fuel prices, increasing inflationary strain, and disrupting tourism-dependent economies in the region.  And on top of that, a chaotic, whimsical regime of punitive tariffs against US friend and foe alike.

Let’s look back and place some context on what is currently amounting to the harshest ever punishment imposed on Cuba.

More than six decades after the United States imposed sweeping sanctions on Cuba, the policy has hardened into one of the longest-running economic sieges in modern history. What began as a Cold War strategy to counter Soviet influence has evolved into a dense web of financial restrictions, diplomatic pressure, and extraterritorial penalties that shape the economic life of a small Caribbean nation of eleven million people.

Today, as Cuba struggles through one of the most severe economic crises since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the question confronting Washington and the wider world is increasingly stark: has the embargo and current naval blockade become a show of strength whose humanitarian consequences now outweigh any possible strategic purpose?  Is the suffering of the people something to gloat over?

Cold War Origins

The origins of conflict traces back to the Cuban Revolution, when Fidel Castro overthrew the U.S. backed government of Fulgencio Batista, an authoritarian dictatorship, and nationalized major industries, including American-owned businesses.

Washington responded with escalating sanctions, culminating in the full trade embargo imposed by John F. Kennedy in 1962. At the height of the Cold War, the justification seemed straightforward: Cuba had aligned with the Soviet Union and hosted nuclear missiles during the Cuban Missile Crisis, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war.

But the Soviet Union disappeared more than thirty years ago. The embargo did not.

Instead, it became institutionalized through laws, making it extremely difficult to lift sanctions without congressional approval.

A Sanctions System With Global Reach

The modern embargo extends far beyond a simple prohibition on U.S.-Cuba trade. Because the United States dominates global finance, sanctions often carry extraterritorial consequences.

Foreign banks risk penalties if they process transactions with Cuba. Shipping companies can face restrictions if they dock at Cuban ports and later attempt to enter the United States. Businesses trading with Cuba may lose access to American markets.

For a small island economy dependent on imports for food, fuel, and industrial inputs, these restrictions have profound effects.

Shortages of fuel, spare parts, and medical equipment have become chronic. Electrical grids struggle to obtain replacement components. Hospitals report difficulty acquiring certain medicines or specialized devices. The result is a fragile economic system increasingly strained by shortages and infrastructure failures.

Today, with the “targeted” naval oil blockade, blackouts across the island have underscored the severity of the crisis – inability to store perishable food, disabling sensitive equipment and emergency hospital care, and decimated its absolutely critical tourism lifeblood.  Sanctions have also magnified structural weaknesses by limiting access to credit, technology, and global markets.

Cuba On The Brink

Cuba now faces its most serious economic emergency since the early 1990s when the collapse of Soviet aid plunged the island into deep recession.

Inflation has surged. Migration has reached historic levels, with hundreds of thousands of Cubans leaving the island. Food shortages, power outages, and crumbling infrastructure have become daily realities.

The Cuban government attributes much of the crisis to the tightening of U.S. sanctions in recent years, particularly measures that target shipping, remittances, and access to international banking systems.

Adversaries of Havana say that the government’s own centralized economic system bears responsibility for many inefficiencies. Whatever the case, it has to be acknowledged sanctions restrict the country’s capacity to recover.

The Caribbean: A Region Caught In The Middle

The consequences of U.S.-Cuba tensions extend beyond the island itself. Across the Caribbean, governments navigate a delicate geopolitical balance between security and economic dependence on the United States and practical cooperation with Cuba.

CARICOM has historically long defended engagement with Cuba, viewing the island as an important partner in regional development.

Countries like Jamaica, Barbados, and Guyana maintained longstanding medical and educational cooperation agreements with Havana. Cuban doctors and nurses work in hospitals across the Caribbean, often filling gaps created by shortages of medical professionals.

For many small island states, these programs are not ideological statements but practical necessities. Recruiting doctors to remote or under-resourced regions is difficult, and Cuban medical missions have often provided critical support during crises – from hurricane recovery to public health emergencies.

Yet Washington has increasingly criticized these programs. Officials, including Marco Rubio, argue that the Cuban government exploits medical workers by taking a significant portion of their salaries and restricting their freedom of movement.

And the United States has imposed visa restrictions and other pressures to discourage Caribbean governments from participating in these missions.

For small states navigating economic vulnerability and climate risks, the situation presents a difficult choice: comply with the demands of the region’s largest power or risk losing access to essential healthcare personnel.  The immense pressure from the US has had consequences.  Jamaica is ending its medical cooperation with Cuba.  And Guyana is now hiring Cuban Doctors and Nurses directly.  In addition, the Guyana government, which depended on the Cuban medical program for decades and had deep fraternal and ideological kinship with Cuba in the past, has said the Cuban “Status quo cannot remain unchanged.”

The Venezuela Factor

The geopolitical web surrounding Cuba also includes Venezuela. For years, the government of Hugo Chávez – and later Nicolás Maduro – supplied Cuba with subsidized oil in exchange for Cuban doctors, teachers, and technical advisers.

When Washington imposed severe sanctions on Venezuela’s energy sector, the ripple effects reached Havana. With little oil reaching the country, blackouts now sweep across the island.

The sanctions regimes that targeted Venezuela and Cuba reinforced one another, tightening economic pressure across parts of the Caribbean basin.

The Paradox Of Russian Influence

The historical irony of the embargo is difficult to ignore.

The original policy originated from fears that Cuba had become a Soviet outpost in the Western Hemisphere. Yet in today’s political climate, some of the same voices advocating the toughest measures against Havana express far more conciliatory attitudes toward Vladimir Putin.

This contradiction raises uncomfortable questions about whether the embargo remains rooted in coherent strategic logic – or whether it has simply become a permanent fixture of domestic politics that has now taken on an even more erratic and punitive nature.

A Policy At A Crossroads

After more than sixty years, the embargo has, at least so far, failed to achieve its central objective: the transformation or collapse of Cuba’s political system, although Cuba may now be nearing exhaustion.

What it has definitely done is prolong an economic standoff that shapes the lives of millions of people and influences the geopolitical dynamics of the Caribbean.

Supporters argue that sanctions remain a legitimate tool for pressuring an authoritarian government. Others counter that the policy punishes ordinary citizens while entrenching political divisions.

As Cuba faces mounting economic strain and the Caribbean navigates competing pressures from larger powers, the question confronting Washington is increasingly unavoidable.

Is the embargo still a strategy – or has it become a tyrannical whim using a long-gone Cold War as a front, and whose human costs now exceed any political or strategic gains?

For Cuba and its Caribbean neighbors, an equitable and humanitarian resolution of this situation may determine whether the region moves toward greater cooperation or has the current incarnation of a conflict that began more than half a century ago hang over their heads as a collective shadow of a regrettable episode in Caribbean history.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Ron Cheong is a frequent political commentator and columnist whose recent work focuses on international relations, economic resilience, and Caribbean-American affairs. He is a community activist and dedicated volunteer with extensive international banking experience. Now residing in Toronto, Canada, he is a fellow of the Institute of Canadian Bankers and holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Toronto.

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The Caribbean Region – Geography Or Will

By Dr. Isaac Newton

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Mon. Mar. 9, 2026: A Caribbean region may speak confidently about peace. The deeper question is whether it has decided what it is willing to protect and what it is prepared to lose.

This quiet dilemma now moves across the Caribbean.

When regional leaders gathered recently in Basseterre, Jamaica’s Prime Minister Andrew Holness offered a reminder about the Caribbean that is both obvious and often overlooked. Diversity in the region is a form of strategic intelligence. Different languages, colonial histories, and cultural traditions allow Caribbean societies to read global power from several perspectives at once.

Yet perspective does not automatically produce direction.

The environment surrounding small states is changing quickly. Assumptions that once appeared settled now feel provisional. The hemispheric outlook shaped by the Monroe Doctrine still influences how the United States interprets developments in the region. At the same time, China’s commercial and diplomatic presence continues to deepen throughout Caribbean economies.

These realities lead to a question that the region can no longer postpone.

Will Caribbean interests be defined within the region or largely outside of it?

For many years the Caribbean cultivated a political culture that valued restraint. Governments preferred dialogue to confrontation. Borders were not militarized against neighbors. Disputes were managed through diplomacy. These choices underscored intentional values practiced by small societies that understood the destructive potential of rivalry.

However, principles endure only when institutions sustain them.

Sovereignty rarely disappears through a single dramatic decision. It more often fades through a pattern in which choices affecting a region are shaped elsewhere while local governments gradually adjust to decisions they did not help design.

The consequences of this pattern reach into ordinary life. When a country depends heavily on imported food, a diplomatic disagreement can quietly affect what appears on supermarket shelves. When highly trained professionals build their careers abroad, the hospitals, laboratories, and engineering firms that remain at home operate with fewer hands and fewer ideas. Geopolitics eventually finds its way into the routines of daily survival.

This is why the strategic choices now facing the Caribbean are practical and ethical.

How should governments cooperate with partners to address security threats such as narcotics trafficking while preserving the freedom to determine domestic priorities? How can states welcome foreign investment while retaining cultural values and authority over long term development decisions? At what point does cooperation begin to narrow independence?

Three broad responses are visible.

Some governments adapt individually to the expectations of larger powers. Others emphasize national autonomy while acting largely alone. A third possibility requires more discipline. It asks Caribbean states to coordinate policy where shared leverage strengthens them.

Evidence that such cooperation is possible already exists.

When hurricanes strike countries such as Dominica or Grenada, emergency aircraft, engineers, and medical personnel from neighboring states often arrive before assistance from distant capitals. When storms threaten Jamaica, regional disaster systems mobilize meteorologists and logistics specialists whose expertise reflects decades of confronting the same weather patterns.

A similar pattern appears in the long partnership between Caribbean states and Cuba. Cuban physicians support clinics that might otherwise struggle to remain open. Trainers have helped develop Caribbean athletes who later compete successfully on the global stage. Engineers and technical specialists have assisted governments working to expand infrastructure and technical capacity.

These examples show that regional cooperation is not an aspiration. It is already part of the region’s experience.

What remains incomplete is the economic foundation capable of sustaining similar collaboration.

The Caribbean imports most of the food consumed by its population. A significant share of its scientific and professional talent builds careers abroad. Universities often conduct research without strong links to regional industries capable of translating knowledge into production.

These patterns limit strategic freedom.

A region dependent on external food supply cannot easily insulate itself from geopolitical pressure. A region that consistently exports its expertise weakens its own capacity to design complex solutions.

Future cooperation therefore requires attention to systems rather than declarations.

Agricultural production in Guyana, Suriname, and Belize could anchor supply networks that provide island populations with more reliable access to food. Caribbean universities could collaborate in applied research focused on energy resilience, climate adaptation, and regional manufacturing. Health partnerships could expand so that specialized treatment becomes more accessible within the region itself.

Diplomacy must also grow more deliberate. Caribbean governments will continue to engage major powers in trade, security, and investment. The challenge lies in approaching those relationships with clearly defined priorities that are understood throughout the region.

Small states preserve autonomy not by withdrawing from the world but by recognizing precisely where cooperation strengthens them and where it quietly limits their choices.

The Caribbean Sea connects societies that share storms, migration histories, music, and economic vulnerability. Geography created this proximity. Geography explains why the region exists.

Geography alone does not explain whether it will matter.

The future of the Caribbean depends on a different force. It depends on whether neighboring states develop the institutional discipline to think together when their long term interests are at stake.

Geography determined where the Caribbean sits in the world.

Only collective will can determine how it stands within it.

Editor’s Note: Dr. Isaac Newton is a strategist and leadership advisor focused on governance, institutional development, and small state strategy. Educated at Harvard, Princeton, and Columbia, he has spent more than three decades working across government, finance, academia, and civil society in the Caribbean and internationally. His work examines leadership, policy design, and regional cooperation in an era of shifting global power.

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