COMMENTARY: The High Cost of Outsourcing Deportations To Africa

By Felicia J. Persaud

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Weds. April 15, 2026: At a time when Americans are facing cuts to healthcare and rising costs for food, gas, and basic goods, a recent U.S. Senate report reveals something deeply contradictory: millions of taxpayer dollars are being paid for deportations to Africa and other foreign nations, forcing them to take in immigrant deportees who are not their own.

According to a report released recently by U.S. Senators Jeanne Shaheen, Chris Coons, Chris Murphy, Tim Kaine, Jeff Merkley, Cory Booker, Chris Van Hollen, Tammy Duckworth, and Jacky Rosen, the Trump administration has spent more than $32 million on so-called “third country deportation” deals – sending migrants to countries they have no connection to.

Among the recipients are Rwanda, Equatorial Guinea, and Eswatini – African nations now central to a controversial system raising serious economic, ethical, and geopolitical concerns.

The numbers are staggering.

In one of the most extreme cases, the administration paid Rwanda $7.5 million, plus an estimated $601,864 in flight costs, to accept just seven people – roughly $1.1 million per deportee.

Equatorial Guinea received $7.5 million to take 29 individuals, at an estimated $282,126 per person.

Eswatini was paid $5.1 million to accept 15 people.

This is not just immigration policy. This is outsourcing deportation at premium prices. And it is happening with countries that raise serious governance concerns.

Equatorial Guinea ranks 172 out of 182 countries on the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, placing it among the most corrupt nations globally.

Eswatini ranks 153rd out of 182 countries, with a score of just 23 out of 100, reflecting rising public sector corruption.

Rwanda, by contrast, ranks 41st least corrupt globally, with a score of 58 out of 100, making it one of the stronger performers in sub-Saharan Africa.

Yet, according to the Senate report, there is little to no oversight on how U.S. taxpayer funds are used once transferred. Even more troubling is how inefficient – and at times absurd – this system has become.

In some cases, the United States is paying twice to deport the same individual. One example cited in the report involved a Jamaican national who was deported to Eswatini at a cost of more than $181,000, only to be flown back to Jamaica weeks later – again at U.S. expense.

The Jamaican government made it clear: “The Government has not refused the return of any of our nationals.”

That directly contradicts the administration’s claim that third-country deportations are necessary because home countries refuse to accept their citizens. So, what is really driving this policy?

The Department of Homeland Security has argued that some migrants are “so uniquely barbaric that their own countries won’t take them back.”

But the data – and even internal accounts – suggest something else: a costly system designed less for efficiency and more for deterrence. Or as one lawmaker put it bluntly: “We spent so much of last year hearing about how we have to cut waste… but we are spending millions of dollars on this.”

Senator Jeanne Shaheen, Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was even more direct: “For an Administration that claims to be reining in fraud, waste and abuse, this policy is the epitome of all three.”

And that may be the most important takeaway. Because this is not just about immigration. It is about how policy is being executed – through opaque deals, questionable partners, and significant US taxpayer expense – with little accountability and even less transparency.

It is also about what happens when human beings become bargaining chips in international agreements, sent to countries they have never known, with uncertain protections and unclear futures. For African nations now drawn into this system, the implications are equally serious – raising questions about sovereignty, responsibility, and the long-term cost of participating in what is effectively a global deportation network.

At its core, this policy raises an uncomfortable question: why are African nations agreeing to take in Black and brown migrants who are not their own, in exchange for millions? Because when human movement begins to follow money instead of law, it forces us to confront a history we claim to have left behind.

Felicia J. Persaud is the founder and publisher of  NewsAmericasNow.com, the only daily syndicated newswire and digital platform dedicated exclusively to Caribbean Diaspora and Black immigrant news across the Americas.

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Who Gets To Belong? Birthright Citizenship Case Could Redefine Who Belongs In America

By Felicia J. Persaud

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Thurs. April 16, 2026: The U.S. Supreme Court is now hearing a case that could redefine one of the most fundamental truths about America: who gets to belong in what is being dubbed the birthright citizenship case. At stake is birthright citizenship – the constitutional guarantee that if you are born in the United States, you are American. But this is not just a legal debate. It is a test of whether history is repeating itself.

Last week, the Court heard arguments in a case challenging an executive order signed in 2025 that seeks to deny citizenship to children born in the United States to undocumented immigrants or those on temporary visas. The order, already blocked by multiple lower courts, attempts to reinterpret the 14th Amendment – a move legal experts widely argue cannot be done by executive action alone.

Because birthright citizenship is not a policy. It is a constitutional guarantee.

Enshrined in the 14th Amendment in 1868, birthright citizenship was designed to settle a question the nation had once answered disastrously wrong: whether Black people born in the United States were citizens at all.

The amendment overturned the infamous Dred Scott decision of 1857, which declared that Black people “had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” It was a direct response to exclusion – a deliberate effort to ensure that citizenship could not be denied based on race, origin, or parentage.

But Black Americans were not the only people denied belonging. Native Americans – the first people of this land – were also excluded from citizenship for decades. It was not until the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 that Indigenous people were formally recognized as U.S. citizens – long after the country had been built on their land.

In other words, birthright citizenship was never just about immigration. It was about equality – and who gets to decide who belongs. And yet, here we are again.

At the center of this case is not just a constitutional argument, but a human story. The lead plaintiff, identified only as “Barbara,” is a Honduran asylum seeker living in New Hampshire. She fled gang violence with her family and is now fighting to ensure that her unborn child – a baby who would be born on U.S. soil — is recognized as American.

Her case raises a profound question: if a child is born here but denied citizenship, what are they? The implications are far-reaching.

If the executive order were allowed to take effect, babies born in the United States to non-citizen parents – including those here legally on work visas or under temporary protections – could be denied citizenship at birth. These children would exist in legal limbo, creating what many legal experts warn would become a permanent, multi-generational subclass of people born in America but not recognized as belonging to it.

The American Civil Liberties Union, representing the plaintiffs, has made it clear: the Constitution does not allow the government to pick and choose which children born on U.S. soil are citizens.

That is not just a legal shift. That is a structural one.

For more than a century, the Supreme Court has affirmed birthright citizenship, including in the landmark case United States v. Wong Kim Ark, which confirmed that children born on U.S. soil are citizens regardless of their parents’ immigration status.

That precedent has held – through wars, waves of immigration, and political change. Until now.

Supporters of the executive order argue that the Constitution’s phrase “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” should be interpreted more narrowly – excluding children of undocumented immigrants and temporary visa holders.

But critics warn that such an interpretation is not only historically unsupported, but dangerous. Because once a government begins deciding which children qualify for citizenship and which do not, it opens the door to redefining belonging itself.

And that has never ended well.

From slavery to Reconstruction to the civil rights era – and even in the delayed recognition of Native Americans – the United States has repeatedly struggled with the question of who counts as fully American.

Each time, the answer has shaped the nation’s moral and legal foundation. This moment is no different.

Because once a nation starts deciding which children are worthy of citizenship, it is no longer debating immigration – it is redefining equality itself.

Felicia J. Persaud is the founder and publisher of  NewsAmericasNow.com, the only daily syndicated newswire and digital platform dedicated exclusively to Caribbean Diaspora and Black immigrant news across the Americas.

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