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News Americas, WASHINGTON, D.C, Thurs. June 25, 2206: The United States Supreme Court today, June 25th, cleared the path for the potential deportation of 350,000 Haitians and 6,100 Syrians – ruling 6-3 along ideological lines that the Trump administration has the legal authority to end Temporary Protected Status for both groups in the highly watched Haiti TPS case.
The decision comes as the Trump administration has moved to terminate TPS for nationals of 13 out of 17 countries that held the designation when President Biden left office – part of what the administration describes as a broader crackdown on immigration.
For the Haitian diaspora – and particularly for the hundreds of thousands of Haitian Americans who have built lives, careers, and families in the United States under TPS protections – the ruling represents one of the most consequential legal setbacks in recent memory.
Writing for the 6-3 majority, Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. held that federal law prohibits courts from second-guessing an administration’s determination to strip TPS protections. “This text is clear, and its plain meaning is very broad,” Alito wrote, as quoted in the ruling.
The court also rejected claims that the administration’s decision to end TPS for Haitians was driven by racial hostility – a finding that drew a blistering response from the court’s three liberal justices.
Justice Elena Kagan, writing for the three dissenting justices, quoted extensively from President Trump’s own public statements about Haitian immigrants in making the case that race had entered into the administration’s decision.
The dissent cited Trump’s false accusations during the 2024 campaign that Haitians in Springfield, Ohio, ate their neighbors’ pets – a claim that was widely debunked – and his December comments describing Haitian immigrants as undesirable because they come from a “filthy, dirty, disgusting” country.
“The statements fairly shout, in their racial undertones and overtones alike, that race entered into the president’s resolve to remove Haitians from this country,” Kagan wrote, as quoted in the ruling.
The administration’s solicitor general D. John Sauer argued during oral arguments that Trump’s statements were “unilluminating” and referenced poverty and crime rather than race – and that federal law makes clear courts cannot second-guess the government’s TPS decisions regardless of the motivation behind them.
The majority agreed. The dissent did not.
Viles Dorsainvil (R), Executive Director of the Haitian Support Center, and Associate Pastor Brandon Peterson (C) of Greater Grace Temple in Springfield, Ohio, listen to a prayer outside the US Supreme Court in Washington, DC, on March 17, 2026. The US Supreme Court agreed on March 16 to consider the Trump administration’s bid to strip Haitians and Syrians of temporary deportation protections. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has announced plans to end so-called Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for some 350,000 Haitians and 6,000 Syrians. (Photo by ROBERTO SCHMIDT / AFP via Getty Images)
Temporary Protected Status was created by Congress with bipartisan support in 1990 to provide temporary legal status to people whose home countries were deemed unsafe because of war, natural disasters, or other crises. The program allows TPS holders to live and work legally in the United States for periods of six to 18 months, with no limit on how many times a country’s designation can be renewed.
For Haiti – a country that has faced a devastating earthquake, political instability, and now widespread gang violence that has rendered parts of the country ungovernable – TPS had been repeatedly extended, becoming effectively permanent for hundreds of thousands of Haitian nationals living in the United States.
The program had similarly been extended repeatedly for Syrians, whose country has been consumed by civil war for over a decade.
The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the nation’s largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy organization, today said a U.S. Supreme Court ruling allowing the Trump administration to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) protections for hundreds of thousands of Haitian and Syrian immigrants without any judicial review will harm families, destabilize communities, and place vulnerable individuals at risk.
CAIR also expressed disagreement with a conclusion by non-binding plurality of judges that there was likely insufficient evidence to conclude that racism motivated the TPS termination in violation of the Equal Protection Clause.
The ruling clears the way for the administration to end TPS protections for approximately 350,000 Haitians and more than 6,000 Syrians who have been living and working legally in the United States. TPS was created by Congress to protect people from deportation to countries facing war, natural disasters, or other extraordinary conditions. Haitians first received TPS after the devastating 2010 earthquake, while Syrians were granted TPS in 2012 because of the civil war in their homeland.
Last year, CAIR welcomed a federal court order delaying the Trump administration’s termination of TPS for Syria and warned that forcing Syrians to return prematurely could expose them to danger and family separation.
In a statement, CAIR National Executive Director Nihad Awad said: “Temporary Protected Status was established to ensure that people are not forced to return to countries facing extraordinary and dangerous conditions. Ending these protections for hundreds of thousands of Haitians and thousands of Syrians will tear families apart, disrupt workplaces and communities, and place vulnerable individuals at risk.
“Many TPS holders have lived in our nation for years, raised American children, built businesses, contributed to our economy, and become integral members of their communities. Policies that target these families for deportation because of their race and ethnicity are contrary to our nation’s values.
“Congress should pursue legislative solutions to make clear that courts do indeed have the authority to review TPS termination decisions, to recognize the contributions of TPS recipients, and to protect families from unnecessary hardship and separation.”
The Supreme Court’s ruling clears a legal path for deportations – but the timeline and process remain complex.
The ability of the government to quickly expel TPS holders will depend significantly on whether individuals already have deportation orders pending. In many instances TPS holders have not received such orders – which will allow them some ability to contest their removal from the country through the immigration court system.
Class action lawsuits had been filed by TPS holders – including engineers, students, doctors, and caregivers – who argued they could be killed if forced to return to Syria or Haiti. Lower court judges had sided with the Haitians and Syrians, finding that the homeland security secretary’s process was subject to court review and that her decisions had been preordained rather than based on meaningful analysis of country conditions.
The Supreme Court overruled those findings Thursday. The ruling is also likely to have significant implications for TPS holders from approximately a dozen other countries beyond Haiti and Syria.
Thursday’s ruling arrives as part of a sweeping transformation of American immigration policy under the Trump administration – one that has fallen with particular force on Caribbean communities.
The administration has separately halted the resettlement of refugees and dramatically slowed the consideration of asylum claims. It has proposed tougher rules making work permits harder for immigrants to obtain. It has filed denaturalization cases against naturalized American citizens at an unprecedented pace – targeting 200 cases per month. And it has moved to end TPS for nationals of 13 countries.
The Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday – combined with its separate ruling last year allowing the administration to lift protections for more than 300,000 Venezuelans – signals that the legal architecture supporting humanitarian immigration protections is being dismantled with the blessing of the nation’s highest court.
For the 350,000 Haitians who have lived and worked legally in the United States under TPS – many of whom have been here for years, raised children who are American citizens, built businesses, and contributed to their communities – the ruling poses an existential threat to the lives they have built.
Immigration attorneys are urging Haitian TPS holders to take immediate action:
Consult a licensed immigration attorney – not a notario – about your specific situation and any alternative pathways to legal status.
Do not assume you must leave immediately – the process for actual deportation is complex and TPS holders without pending deportation orders retain some ability to contest removal.
Check whether you or your children qualify for other forms of relief – including US-born children, marriage to US citizens, or other visa categories.
Stay informed – the legal situation is evolving rapidly.
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NEW YORK, NY, Thurs. June 25, 2026: As Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley pushes a new reparations manifesto and the African Union launches its Decade of Reparations, newly examined historical records are raising fresh questions about Britain’s role in Caribbean slavery and whether the region’s case for reparatory justice may be entering a new phase.
For more than a decade, CARICOM governments have argued that the legacy of slavery continues to shape economic inequality, underdevelopment and social challenges across the Caribbean. Now, a new book by historian Brooke N. Newman, The Crown’s Silence, is adding fresh evidence to that conversation.
Drawing on records from the Royal Archives, the Royal African Company, the South Sea Company and other historical sources, Newman argues that the British monarchy was not merely aware of the transatlantic slave trade but actively invested in, financed and profited from it for generations.
The timing is significant. Last week in Ghana, on Juneteenth in the US, June 19th, Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley unveiled an updated reparations manifesto at a conference in Ghana, strengthening CARICOM’s long-standing calls for reparatory justice and introducing new provisions addressing the impact of slavery on women and families.
The manifesto follows growing international attention to reparations after the African Union formally launched its Decade of Reparations (2026-2036), a global initiative aimed at advancing recognition, accountability and repair for the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans.
For supporters of reparatory justice, the significance of Newman’s research lies in its challenge to one of Britain’s long-standing defenses: that slavery was largely the work of private merchants and corporations rather than the state itself. According to Newman, archival records show that successive monarchs invested in and benefited financially from institutions central to the slave trade, potentially strengthening arguments that responsibility extended beyond individual traders to the Crown itself. Newman, reveals that from the 1560s to 1807, the British monarchy didn’t merely permit the transatlantic slave trade – they directly invested in it, designed it, and amassed vast royal wealth from the labor of millions of enslaved Africans.
Whether the findings ultimately alter legal arguments remains to be seen. However, they arrive at a moment when Caribbean governments are increasingly connecting reparations to broader discussions about economic development, climate justice, historical accountability and post-colonial sovereignty.
As several Caribbean nations continue to reassess constitutional ties to the British monarchy and calls for reparatory justice grow louder globally, the debate over history, accountability and repair appears far from over.
The June 19th event took place near a fortress in Accra, Ghana. The site was one of the locations connected to the transatlantic slave trade and served as a backdrop for the commemoration. African and Caribbean leaders are demanding financial compensation, debt cancellation and formal apologies from countries that benefited from the transatlantic slave trade after adopting a sweeping reparations plan at a conference in Ghana.
The 19-point framework calls for financial compensation, debt relief, a Global Reparations Fund and the return of looted cultural artifacts and ancestral remains. It also seeks reforms to international financial institutions that supporters say disadvantage Third World countries. The plan also urges African countries to preserve former slave forts and castles as memorial sites.
The proposal is expected to be presented at the next UN General Assembly as African and Caribbean nations step up a coordinated push for slavery reparations. “We recognize and honor the extensive efforts undertaken over generations by several governments, intergovernmental organizations, our forebearers, individuals and civil society partners across Africa, the Caribbean, the Americas, as well as in Europe and Asia in shaping the global reparations agenda,” the document states. “We adopt this document as a basis for global collaboration and commit to engaging in transparent, constructive and good faith dialogue in advancing reparations and reparatory justice among all state and non-state actors.”
According to advocates, at least 12.5 million Africans were kidnapped and transported aboard European ships between the 15th and 19th centuries. Supporters of reparations argue the effects of slavery continue to be felt across Africa and the Caribbean generations later.
News Americas, PARIS, France, Weds. June 24, 2026: A French appeals court has confirmed the dismissal of a landmark criminal case over chlordecone – the toxic pesticide that contaminated more than 90 percent of adults in Guadeloupe and Martinique – effectively closing the door on criminal accountability for one of the Caribbean’s most devastating environmental health scandals.
The Paris Court of Appeal confirmed the dismissal on Monday, June 22, 2026, that was first pronounced in 2023 by two Parisian investigating judges – ending a legal battle that had stretched over 20 years and involved hundreds of victims, farmers, consumer organizations, environmental groups, and public health advocates who had sought criminal accountability from the French state and from the banana industry that used the pesticide.
“It’s a dark, sinister day, since it means that polluters benefit from immunity,” said Christophe Lèguevaques, a lawyer representing the civil parties, as quoted by AFP following Monday’s ruling.
Chlordecone – also known by its US trade name Kepone – is an organochlorine insecticide that was used intensively on banana plantations in Guadeloupe and Martinique from 1972 to 1993 to combat weevils. The United States Environmental Protection Agency banned the pesticide in 1976. The World Health Organization later classified it as a carcinogen.
France banned chlordecone on the French mainland in 1990 – but continued to allow its use in Guadeloupe and Martinique for three additional years, despite warnings about its dangers. The chemical undergoes no significant degradation in the environment. Scientists estimate that its toxic effects on the soil of the French West Indies will linger for up to 600 years. According to France’s National Agency for Food, Environmental and Occupational Health and Safety, more than 90 percent of adults in Guadeloupe and Martinique have been contaminated by chlordecone.
Research from France’s National Institute of Health and Medical Research has established chlordecone as an endocrine disruptor linked to prostate cancer – both islands report some of the world’s highest prostate cancer rates — as well as premature births and developmental issues in children. New research published in October 2025 found that chlordecone also reduces women’s fertility, with those carrying high blood levels found to be 25 to 28 percent less likely to conceive.
In a landmark March 2025 ruling, a French court held the state responsible for the reproductive issues of two women and nine men who developed prostate cancer – acknowledging that France had knowingly exposed them to a toxic pesticide with lifelong consequences. The French government subsequently appealed that decision.
The chemical continues to seep into the soil and water of Guadeloupe and Martinique with each rainfall — contaminating streams, livestock, and crops decades after its use was discontinued.
“The food chain was contaminated,” said Luc Multigner, one of the lead researchers at Inserm who spent two decades studying the pesticide, as quoted in reporting on the crisis. “As a result, contamination wasn’t limited to banana plantation areas only.”
French lawyer Christophe Leguevaques delivers remarks to journalists in regards to a court decision on health issues allegedly linked to chlordecone persticide use, in a cafe near the Palais de Justice courthouse in Paris, on June 22, 2026. After 20 years of legal proceedings, the Paris Court of Appeal upheld a dismissal of the case on June 22, effectively ruling out any reopening of the criminal investigation into the health scandal involving a pesticide used in the French Caribbean despite warnings about its toxicity. (Photo by Charlotte SIEMON / AFP via Getty Images)
A judicial investigation was opened in Paris in 2008 following complaints filed by farmers, consumer and environmental organizations, and public health advocates. The case reached the courts after years of proceedings before being dismissed in 2023 by two investigating judges who ruled that too much time had elapsed to secure criminal convictions.
In their dismissal, the Parisian magistrates acknowledged a “health scandal” and “environmental damage” that would “affect the daily lives” of residents in the overseas territories “for many years to come” – but cited the difficulty of providing criminal evidence of facts committed 10, 15, or 30 years before the filing of complaints.
Monday’s appeal court ruling confirmed that dismissal – and left victims and their lawyers searching for their next legal avenue.
Despite Monday’s ruling, victims and their legal representatives vowed to continue the fight. “The legal battle will undoubtedly continue before the Court of Cassation,” said Rachid Madid, one of the lawyers for the civil parties, as quoted by AFP – adding that if necessary, the case could ultimately be taken to European courts.
“Like the asbestos victims who ultimately won thanks to their tenacity, we will continue our fight,” said Harry Durimel, a civil party and mayor of Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, as quoted following the ruling.
Durimel told AFP that he had demonstrated that the statute of limitations could not begin to run as long as the poisoning – which he described as “hidden” – continued, expressing optimism about the outcome of a potential Court of Cassation appeal.
“This is a judgment of colonial continuity,” said Philippe Pierre-Charles, spokesperson for the Lyannaj pou dépolyé Matinik collective, as quoted by AFP. “No investigation was carried out on site by the judges, who did not come, did not meet with any victims.”
“It’s a political decision, we can’t say it comes from the justice system,” said Yvon Sérénus, president of the Collective of Agricultural Workers Poisoned by Pesticides, as quoted by AFP. “It’s a strategy of the State: to let people die without compensating them.”
Earlier this month, French lawmakers unanimously acknowledged the state’s role in the chlordecone scandal – setting the goal of decontaminating land and water and compensating victims. A law on the recognition of state responsibility gives the government one year to submit a report to Parliament on the terms of compensation. France has also introduced measures including free chlordecone blood tests and government-funded soil testing. A maximum residue limit policy permits food with low chlordecone levels to be sold – an approach criticized by many in Guadeloupe and Martinique.
“They’re trying to contain the problem, not solve it,” said Josiane Jos Pelage, a pediatrician who hosts community meetings to help residents understand chlordecone and its dangers, as quoted in reporting on the crisis. “It’s not ambitious enough.”
“The state is engaging in double-talk,” said Lèguevaques, as quoted in prior reporting. “The president and some ministers have publicly acknowledged the state’s share of responsibility, so why does it bother them when the courts agree?”
Victims and their lawyers have signaled they will pursue the case before the Court of Cassation – France’s highest court – and potentially before European courts if necessary. The legislative acknowledgment of state responsibility and the March 2025 civil court ruling establishing the state’s liability for specific victims may provide additional legal pathways for compensation, even as the criminal case is closed.
For the more than 400,000 residents of Guadeloupe and Martinique living with chlordecone contamination in their blood, their soil, and their water – contamination that scientists say will persist for centuries – Monday’s ruling represents a closed door. But as their lawyers and advocates made clear outside the Paris courthouse, it is not the end of the road.
News Americas, MIAMI, FL, Weds. June 24, 2026: As global energy markets face renewed disruption and oil prices remain volatile, Caribbean nations are once again confronting a familiar challenge: dependence on imported energy.
From Barbados to Jamaica and across the wider CARICOM region, rising fuel costs continue to pressure consumers, businesses and governments. Recent tensions in the Middle East have highlighted just how vulnerable small island economies remain to events occurring thousands of miles away. Barbados Energy Minister Kerrie Symmonds recently warned that small island developing states are “feeling the pinch” of the latest energy crisis, noting that governments are struggling to balance rising energy costs with the need to contain inflation and protect consumers.
Yet, beyond the immediate crisis lies a larger question: Why is a region rich in solar, wind, geothermal, hydro and ocean energy resources still so dependent on imported fossil fuels?
The Caribbean’s renewable energy potential is significant. CARICOM has established a regional target of generating 47 percent of its electricity from renewable sources by 2027. The World Bank is supporting projects aimed at expanding solar adoption and energy efficiency, while the African Export-Import Bank has expanded its CARICOM financing mandate to $5 billion, including support for renewable energy and infrastructure projects.
The challenge is not a lack of resources. The challenge is execution. Unlike many larger economies, Caribbean nations must balance energy security, affordability and climate resilience simultaneously. Transitioning too quickly away from traditional fuels could create reliability concerns. Moving too slowly leaves the region exposed to repeated price shocks and supply disruptions.
For that reason, energy experts increasingly argue that the future is not an all-or-nothing choice between fossil fuels and renewables. Instead, the region may need a diversified energy strategy.
Barbados is pursuing one of the world’s most ambitious renewable energy agendas while continuing to explore domestic energy resources. Dominica is investing heavily in geothermal energy that could eventually reduce its dependence on imported diesel. Guyana and Suriname are emerging as major energy producers, while Trinidad and Tobago remains one of the Caribbean’s most important natural gas suppliers.
Together, these resources could form the foundation of a more resilient regional energy architecture. The deals already being signed across the region show what that diversified architecture could look like in practice. In Dominica, a 10 MW geothermal project reached financial close in September 2025 through a blended financing package arranged by the Caribbean Development Bank, with concessional capital from the Green Climate Fund helping clear bankability hurdles that had stalled Caribbean geothermal for years. Developed by a subsidiary of Ormat Technologies, the plant is expected to supply most of Dominica’s baseload demand once operational.
In The Bahamas, Renugen Pro Limited is advancing more than $40 million in hybrid energy projects across Cat Island, Long Island, and San Salvador – combining solar, battery storage, and natural gas under long-term power purchase agreements signed directly with the government. And in a sign of how seriously multinational energy companies are now treating the region, TotalEnergies expanded its partnership with AES across the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, acquiring a 50 percent stake in a combined 1.5 gigawatt portfolio of solar, wind and battery storage assets — one of the largest renewable energy commitments any global power company has made in the Caribbean to date.
Jamaica offers perhaps the clearest evidence that the economics already favor renewables. Recent power purchase agreements there have reached the US$0.09 per kilowatt-hour range for solar and US$0.12 for wind – both well below the cost of imported diesel generation – with prices expected to keep falling as more projects come online.
Yet even with these long-term contracts in place, the region’s overall numbers remain stark. According to the 2023 Energy Report Card for CARICOM member states, the region’s total installed capacity stands at roughly 5,777 megawatts – but only about 761 megawatts, or 13 percent, comes from renewable sources. Conventional fossil fuel generation still outweighs renewable capacity by nearly 74 percent across the bloc.
The model may be closer to the United Arab Emirates than many realize. The UAE did not abandon fossil fuels overnight. Instead, it used energy revenues to finance infrastructure, logistics, tourism, technology, and renewable energy investments. Caribbean energy producers now face a similar opportunity: use today’s oil and gas revenues to build tomorrow’s energy system.
The economics are increasingly compelling. As United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres has noted, “There are no price spikes for sunlight and no embargoes on the wind.”
Once renewable infrastructure is built, operating costs are generally lower and more predictable than imported fossil fuels. Solar, wind, battery storage and geothermal projects can reduce long-term exposure to geopolitical events while strengthening national energy security. The remaining obstacle is capital.
Renewable energy projects often require substantial upfront investment even though they generate savings over time. For many Caribbean governments, utilities and private developers, access to affordable financing remains one of the biggest barriers to accelerating the energy transition.
That financing gap is also creating opportunity. As governments and businesses seek to reduce energy costs, improve resilience and meet climate targets, demand for renewable energy financing is expected to increase significantly across the Caribbean in the years ahead.
The region may never be powered entirely by renewable energy. It does not need to be. The larger opportunity is to become far less vulnerable to the next global energy crisis than it is today. Every major energy shock reminds the Caribbean of its dependence. The question is whether this crisis will finally become the catalyst for a more diversified, resilient and energy-secure future.
The Rocky Mountain Institute estimates the region will need roughly US$11 billion in investment by 2030 to meet its renewable targets – a figure that underscores why individual long-term contracts, however significant, remain pieces of a much larger financing puzzle rather than evidence the puzzle is solved.
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