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Caribbean Economy To Grow 5.6% In 2026 – But Just 1.1% Without Guyana, ECLAC Says

By NAN Business Editor

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Fri. August 21, 2026: The Caribbean economy is projected to grow by an impressive 5.6% in 2026 and 7.9% in 2027, but new United Nations data show that one country is dramatically altering the regional picture: Guyana.

Without Guyana, Caribbean economic growth falls to just 1.1% in 2026 and 2.2% in 2027, according to the newly released Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 2026 from the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, ECLAC.

The striking difference illustrates the growing economic divide between oil-rich Guyana and much of the rest of the Caribbean. ECLAC forecasts Guyana’s economy will expand by 16.2% this year before accelerating to 19.7% in 2027. No other Caribbean economy comes close. Antigua and Barbuda, Grenada and Suriname share second place in the 2026 rankings, with projected growth of 3.5% each.

Caribbean Growth Forecasts Ranked

RankEconomy202620271Guyana16.2%19.7%2=Antigua and Barbuda3.5%3.5%2=Grenada3.5%3.5%2=Suriname3.5%4.4%5Dominica3.1%2.8%6St. Vincent and the Grenadines3.0%2.6%7=Barbados2.5%2.2%7=Belize2.5%2.3%9=The Bahamas2.0%2.2%9=St. Kitts and Nevis2.0%2.5%9=Saint Lucia2.0%1.5%12Trinidad and Tobago0.8%1.5%13Jamaica-1.2%2.5%

Source: ECLAC. Forecasts based on information available as of July 28, 2026.

Jamaica Forecast To Contract

At the opposite end of the table is Jamaica. ECLAC forecasts a 1.2% contraction in 2026, followed by a recovery to 2.5% growth in 2027.

Trinidad and Tobago is expected to post the second-weakest Caribbean performance this year, growing only 0.8%, before improving modestly to 1.5% next year.

Suriname, meanwhile, is forecast to accelerate from 3.5% growth in 2026 to 4.4% in 2027, putting it behind only Guyana among the Caribbean economies listed for next year.

The Bahamas is projected to grow 2% this year and 2.2% in 2027, while Barbados is forecast at 2.5% and 2.2%, respectively.

Caribbean Growth Outpaces Wider Region – On Paper

The Caribbean’s headline performance also appears exceptional when compared with Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole. ECLAC expects the wider region to grow only 2.2% in 2026, down from 2.4% in 2025, before recovering to 2.5% next year. But once Guyana is excluded, the Caribbean’s 1.1% growth forecast actually falls well below the wider regional projection.

ECLAC warns that the region remains caught in a prolonged period of weak economic expansion. If its latest forecasts prove correct, Latin America and the Caribbean will have experienced five years of average growth of approximately 2.3% – a pace the UN body considers insufficient to sustainably raise per-capita income and close development gaps.

Investment, Debt And Informality Remain Challenges

The problem extends beyond GDP growth. ECLAC identifies weak investment, slowing formal employment creation and persistent labor informality among the structural constraints limiting the region’s economic potential.

Nearly half of employed people across Latin America and the Caribbean continue to work informally, according to the report. The Commission argues that formal companies are better positioned to exploit economies of scale, adopt innovation, access financing and build productive capabilities.

Caribbean governments also continue to face substantial fiscal constraints. Gross public debt in the Caribbean stood at approximately 73% of GDP in 2025, according to ECLAC, while high financing costs and growing interest payments constrain governments’ ability to increase public investment and fund economic transformation.

The new projections therefore tell two Caribbean economic stories. One is a region apparently racing ahead at 5.6%. The other is a Caribbean outside Guyana growing at barely 1.1%. For businesses, governments and investors, the difference between those two numbers may be more revealing than the headline forecast itself.

READ MORE: For the investor analysis and what the country-by-country forecasts could mean for capital and investment, read “Caribbean Growth Forecast 2026–2027: Guyana Powers Regional Expansion, But The Numbers Reveal A Two-Speed Economy” on Invest Caribbean.

RELATED: ExxonMobil Just Posted $14.5 Billion In Profit As Guyana Is Still Burying Its Dead And Protesting In The Streets

New Data Points To A Caribbean Capital-Readiness Gap As Businesses Seek Millions In Financing

By NAN Business Editor

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Tues. August 25, 2026: Caribbean businesses may face another obstacle beyond the region’s widely discussed shortage of financing – Caribbean Capital-Readiness. Many may not yet be prepared for the type of institutional capital they are seeking.

A new analysis of financing demand submitted to AI Capital Exchange, the debt pre-qualification platform powered by Invest Caribbean, has identified recurring mismatches between financing requests and the revenue, sponsor equity, collateral and financial documentation presented by prospective borrowers.

ACE has analyzed more than $200 million in financing demand, with Caribbean commercial real estate alone accounting for more than $244 million in stated financing requests in the platform’s current dataset. The findings do not represent approved or financeable transactions. Rather, they capture stated capital demand submitted for consideration — a distinction that Invest Caribbean says is central to understanding the region’s financing problem.

Millions Sought, But Equity Remains A Challenge

The commercial real estate data offers some of the starkest examples. One Caribbean request sought $150 million in financing while reporting $3 million in cash equity, equivalent to approximately 2% of the amount requested. Another sought $50 million against $2 million in reported cash equity, while a $32.473 million request reported no cash equity contribution. Some applicants also reported having no audited financial statements.

The findings suggest that the challenge confronting Caribbean businesses may not simply be finding institutions willing to lend. Businesses must also arrive with financial structures capable of satisfying institutional lending requirements.

Being Ready To Pitch Isn’t Being Ready For Capital

Data from ACE’s Capital Readiness assessment reinforces that conclusion. Among Caribbean respondents seeking financing of $1 million or more, roughly 9 in 10 reported either no annual revenue or less than $500,000 in annual revenue. Yet approximately two-thirds said their pitch deck was ready.

That distinction has become a central part of ACE’s capital-readiness message. A pitch deck can communicate an investment proposition, but institutional debt decisions typically depend on considerably more: revenue and repayment capacity, sponsor equity, collateral where applicable, financial statements and the underlying structure of the transaction.

Debt, Equity – Or Both?

The findings also highlight a persistent source of confusion among businesses seeking capital: the difference between debt and equity. Early-stage businesses without sufficient operating revenue may be better suited to equity capital than conventional institutional debt. Larger projects may require sponsors to raise equity before lenders will finance the remaining capital requirement.

Other transactions may require a combination of the two. Similar mismatches are appearing in submissions from outside the Caribbean. ACE has observed African expansion financing requests of as much as $5 million against annual revenue as low as $150,000, while Capital Readiness data from Latin America includes seven-figure financing demand from businesses reporting less than $500,000 in annual revenue.

The emerging data suggests that capital readiness could therefore be a broader challenge across developing and emerging markets.

From Capital Access To Capital Readiness

The findings raise an important question for Caribbean economic-development programs. While considerable attention is devoted to expanding access to finance, connecting businesses with lenders may accomplish little when businesses have not first been taught how institutional capital works. That includes understanding appropriate debt levels, sponsor equity, financial documentation, repayment capacity and whether a business needs debt, equity or a combination of both.

Invest Caribbean executives argue that closing this knowledge gap should become part of the region’s broader conversation about SME development and investment. Read the full Invest Caribbean Intelligence analysis on the Caribbean capital-readiness gap at Invest Caribbean.

RELATED: Why Caribbean and Latin American Hotel and Commercial Property Owners Should Be Refinancing Now

Bahamas Tourism Investment Pipeline Hits $3.5 Billion As Visitor Arrivals Reach Record High

By Nan Business Editor

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Thurs. August 20, 2026: The Bahamas is seeing a major surge in tourism investment, with approximately $3.5 billion in announced and active projects across cruise infrastructure, luxury resorts, and destination development, according to the latest Caribbean Economics Quarterly from the Inter-American Development Bank.

The pipeline includes about $1.5 billion in cruise infrastructure in Grand Bahama, a $200 million Royal Beach Club Paradise Island development, and more than $1.3 billion in luxury resort projects across Eleuthera, the Exumas and Abaco. The investment wave comes as The Bahamas records historic visitor numbers. Tourist arrivals reached 12.5 million in 2025, up 11.4% from 2024 and about 72% above the 2019 pre-pandemic peak. But the visitor mix remains heavily skewed toward cruise tourism.

Approximately 85% of all arrivals were cruise passengers, a segment that tends to generate lower per-visitor economic value than stopover tourism. Meanwhile, stopover arrivals fell 2.6% to 1.82 million in 2025, continuing a recent softening in higher-value overnight tourism. That contrast raises questions about how effectively the country’s growing tourism infrastructure can translate record visitor volumes into deeper local spending, stronger employment and higher economic returns.

Foreign direct investment prospects remain positive. The report cites expected net FDI inflows of approximately $209 million in 2026, $263 million in 2027 and an annual average of $339 million between 2028 and 2030. Several of the projects are already under construction or operational, supporting construction and employment even where visitor trends fluctuate. The Bahamas therefore enters the second half of the decade with one of the largest visible tourism investment pipelines in the Caribbean.

The scale of the investment pipeline also underscores how central tourism remains to The Bahamas’ wider economic outlook. Large resort and cruise infrastructure projects can generate activity well beyond the properties themselves, creating demand across construction, transportation, food and beverage, professional services, entertainment and other tourism-linked businesses.

But the divergence between cruise and stopover arrivals will be important to watch. Record headline visitor numbers do not necessarily translate into equivalent increases in tourism receipts or domestic economic activity. Stopover visitors generally require accommodation and tend to spend across a wider range of local services, while cruise visitors spend less time in the destination.

The challenge for The Bahamas will therefore be converting the current investment cycle and unprecedented visitor volumes into greater value retained within the economy. New tourism infrastructure that encourages longer stays, greater local purchasing, stronger linkages with Bahamian businesses and increased visitor spending could determine how broadly the benefits of the investment boom are ultimately distributed.

What The Investment Pipeline Could Mean For The Wider Economy

Beyond the headline tourism numbers, the scale of planned investment could have implications for economic activity across multiple sectors. Major hotel, resort and cruise infrastructure projects require construction services, building materials, transportation, professional services and workers during development, while completed properties create ongoing demand for suppliers, hospitality workers and local service providers.

The geographic spread of the projects is also significant. With major developments extending beyond Nassau and Paradise Island into Grand Bahama, Eleuthera, the Exumas and Abaco, the investment pipeline has the potential to distribute tourism-related economic activity across several islands rather than concentrating new development in the country’s traditional tourism center.

For policymakers and investors, however, the key measure will ultimately be the economic value created from that expansion. Continued investment combined with stronger stopover tourism, increased local procurement and greater participation by Bahamian businesses could help turn today’s multibillion-dollar construction and development pipeline into longer-term economic gains.

Read the full Invest Caribbean analysis on what the $3.5 billion Bahamas tourism pipeline means for investors and the wider economy.

RELATED: The $936 Billion Wall: Bridge Loans And Caribbean and Latin American Developers

Since When Is The US Department Of War A Foreign Investor? The $85.5 Million Guyana Question

By NAN Staff Writer, NewsAmericas Now

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Tues. August 11, 2026: The US Department of War has announced an $85.5 million equity investment – not in an American company, not on American soil, but in a bauxite mine in Guyana. Combined with $64.5 million in private co-investment, the deal totals $150 million in U.S.-backed money flowing to acquire and expand a foreign mining operation, all in the name of national security.

Days later, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau is on his way to Georgetown. The State Department announced Landau travelled to Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana on August 9th and will be there until August 12, meeting with President Irfaan Ali and his cabinet to discuss “expanding bilateral economic cooperation” and, specifically, “enhancing collaboration in strategic sectors including energy and critical minerals.”

It is Landau’s second high-profile engagement in Guyana in a month, following his appearance at July’s U.S.-Guyana Enabling Investment Forum, where he praised the country’s economic growth and discussed unlocking American investment in agriculture, critical minerals, energy, infrastructure, and housing. It is the same Christopher Landau whose only public response to the MV Barima ferry disaster, which killed at least 73 Guyanese and left dozens more missing, was a single social media post offering condolences.

A familiar pattern

This isn’t an isolated move. The US Department of War has increasingly taken equity stakes in critical minerals projects over the past year, from a $400 million stake in MP Materials’ rare earth operations in California to a 10% equity position in Trilogy Metals’ Alaska claims, all justified as reducing American dependence on Chinese-controlled mineral supply chains. But nearly every other deal in that pattern funds processing and refining capacity on American soil. The Guyana agreement is different: it is U.S. tax payer money used to acquire and expand a mine inside another country’s borders entirely, backed up now by a Deputy Secretary of State flying in personally to see it through.

The question that follows

So here’s the question worth asking plainly: since when is the Department of War in the business of foreign investment? And if $85.5 million in taxpayer money, and a senior State Department official’s travel schedule, can move this quickly to secure a foreign bauxite mine for America’s own defense supply chain, what does that say about the priorities behind it, when American families are skipping groceries and rationing medication because they can’t afford either?

The same government finding tens of millions for a mine in Guyana, and sending its Deputy Secretary of State there twice in one month, has in that same stretch been unable or unwilling to offer Guyana any material help of its own, sending a single condolence message after the MV Barima disaster while France, Trinidad and Brazil sent divers, ships, and Coast Guard vessels. It slapped a 12.5% tariff on Guyana days after courting the country for investment. And separately, American taxpayer dollars are now funding third-country deportation arrangements, paying other nations to accept people the United States doesn’t want, even as those same taxpayers are told there isn’t enough to go around at home.

Whose America First is this?

“America First” was sold as a promise that U.S. resources would be redirected toward Americans first. What the bauxite deal, and Landau’s swift return trip to seal it, reveal is something more specific: U.S. resources and diplomatic attention move fast and decisively when they serve U.S. defense and industrial interests abroad, foreign mines, foreign supply chains, foreign deportation deals, even as the “America First” rhetoric suggests something closer to home should come first. Guyana’s bauxite matters enough to the Pentagon and the State Department to warrant a personal visit within days. Whether Guyana’s own people, or America’s own struggling families, matter as much is a fair question neither government has really answered.

NewsAmericasNow will continue tracking U.S. investment and diplomatic engagement in Guyana.

Guyana July’s Oil Profits Should Be At Least 100 Times The Amount Needed To Salvage MV Barima

By Darsh Khusial

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Mon. August. 10, 2026: The Guyana government has stated that it may cost from US$8 to US$10M to salvage MV Barima. That amount is a drop in the ocean compared with the expected oil profits for the rest of the year. In its 2Q2026 call, Exxon stated, “Again, as we mentioned, at this point, we’ve fully recovered the $55 billion of investment along with all the operating costs.” Guyana should therefore start to have ample cash flowing in to raise the MV Barima.

In 2026, using production data see HERE, we can see that, for the first six months, an average of about 27.2 million barrels were produced per month, with an average selling price of US$91.74.

Guyana Oil Production — First 6 Months of 2026MonthTotal Barrels ProducedAvg. Brent Crude Price (US$/bbl)January 202628,375,332$66.60February 202625,697,948$70.89March 202628,345,600$103.13April 202627,083,049$117.29May 202627,719,800$107.14June 202626,080,430$85.40Avg per Month27,217,027$91.74

Given that Exxon stated in its investor call covering the quarter ended June 30 that the investment costs for the projects had been recovered, we can expect Guyana to start receiving profits significantly greater than the meager 12.5% of revenue. We estimate that operating costs are around US$10 per barrel, based on HESS stating that the cash unit cost in 2027 would be US$10/barrel – see the 2Q2023 HESS earnings call transcript. In the table below, we show what Guyana’s expected profit take for July could be, excluding the 2% royalty, for oil prices ranging from US$80 to US$120. The war started at the end of February 2026; we use a range of Brent crude prices that reflects prices after the war started.

As can be observed from the table, even at US$80/barrel, Guyana should receive about US$953 million in profits for July, or about 100 times the estimated cost of salvaging the MV Barima. At US$120/barrel, Guyana should receive about US$9 billion during the second half of 2026, or about 1,000 times the amount needed to salvage the MV Barima.

The Guyanese who perished in the MV Barima will never experience the benefits of the vast sums of money flowing up from the bottom of the ocean. But surely, we can more than afford to lift their bodies from the bottom of the ocean and give their families closure through a proper burial; and provide the injured family members with sufficient emotional and financial support to reduce their inter-generational pain and suffering. The Government must step up and deal compassionately with this national tragedy.

EDITOR’S NOTE: EDITOR’S NOTE: Darsh Khusial is an executive of the Oil and Gas Governance Network (OGGN) Other executive members include Kenrick Hunte, Joe Persaud and Mike Persaud.

RELATED: Lack Of Ring-Fencing May Have Reduced Guyana And Its 2025 Profit-Oil Entitlement By US$4.9 Billion

ExxonMobil Just Posted $14.5 Billion In Profit As Guyana Is Still Burying Its Dead And Protesting In The Streets

By NAN Business Editor, NewsAmericas Now

News Americas, GEORGETOWN, Guyana, Thurs. Aug. 6, 2026: ExxonMobil announced second-quarter 2026 earnings of $14.5 billion on July 31, more than doubling its profit from a year earlier, as the war-driven closure of the Strait of Hormuz, China’s export halt, and Russian refinery outages compressed global oil supply and pushed margins to what CEO Darren Woods called levels that make Exxon “truly in a league of our own.” Guyana’s Stabroek Block, now producing roughly 900,000 barrels a day, a quarterly record, was central to that result.

ExxonMobil Just Posted $14.5 Billion In Profit As Guyana Is Still Burying Its Dead And Protesting In The Streets

The announcement landed in the same week Guyanese protesters were back in the streets, this time over allegations of conflict of interest involving two members of the Commission of Inquiry investigating the MV Barima disaster, the same investigation the government initially wanted to close by turning the wreck site into a memorial rather than salvaging the vessel families are still waiting to see recovered. “The second quarter was shaped by disruption, but defined by execution,” said Woods, ExxonMobil chairman and chief executive officer. “Markets were supportive, but our performance reflected the strength of the portfolio and operating model we have built over many years. “As conditions changed, we moved products where they were needed, optimized assets, and supported customers, leveraging our global integrated portfolio. We delivered strong earnings and cash flow, continued investing in advantaged opportunities, returned cash to shareholders, and strengthened the balance sheet. Importantly, we remain committed to further growing advantaged production to help meet the world’s need for reliable energy.”

The numbers behind the anger

Exxon does not break out a clean quarterly profit figure for Guyana specifically, but its full-year 2025 disclosures offer a stark comparison: ExxonMobil’s Guyana operations earned $4.67 billion in profit that year, alone representing over 16% of the company’s entire global earnings of $28.8 billion. That $4.67 billion nearly doubled what Guyana’s own government earned from its own oil in the same year, roughly $2.4 to $2.5 billion, despite a profit-sharing arrangement often described publicly as a 50-50 split. The gap exists because Guyana’s government share remains capped at 12.5% until Exxon finishes recovering its development costs under the production-sharing agreement, a threshold the company now expects to cross sometime in the second half of this year.

Meanwhile, Guyana’s own lowest-paid workers, the people building the roads and driving the vehicles funded by that oil wealth, earn a statutory minimum wage of $1.66 an hour, one of the lowest in the entire Caribbean. And separately, an unresolved IHS Markit audit has already identified $214.4 million in Exxon-claimed costs from 1999 to 2017 that auditors determined were either ineligible for cost recovery or lacked adequate documentation, a dispute the IMF has publicly urged Guyana to resolve “in a timely manner.” A second audit remains under review entirely.

A country asking who actually benefits

None of this means Exxon’s Guyana investment hasn’t transformed the country’s economy, it plainly has, fueling the fastest GDP growth on earth and financing highways, bridges, and infrastructure that didn’t exist a decade ago. But the same government riding that windfall couldn’t get a $12.7 million replacement ferry into service for three years, ran the vessel that eventually killed at least 73 people without insurance, and is now facing street protests over whether its own investigation into that disaster can be trusted.

Exxon posted $14.5 billion in three months. Guyana is still identifying bodies, still fighting over who sits on the commission investigating why they died, and still paying its lowest earners $1.66 an hour to build the country that oil money is supposed to be transforming.

NewsAmericasNow will continue tracking both Exxon’s Guyana earnings and the fallout from the MV Barima disaster.

RELATED:

Guyana Is Leaving Millions On The Table With Exxon While It Searches For A Company To Salvage The MV Barima

Lack Of Ring-Fencing May Have Reduced Guyana And Its 2025 Profit-Oil Entitlement By US$4.9 Billion

Guyana Is Leaving Millions On The Table With Exxon While It Searches For A Company To Salvage The MV Barima

By NAN Business Editor, News Americas

News Americas, WASHINGTON, D.C., Mon. Aug. 3, 2026: As Guyana’s Maritime Administration Department scrambles to find a qualified contractor to pull the MV Barima from the ocean floor, the government is sitting on a separate, far larger unresolved account: millions of dollars in disputed ExxonMobil cost-oil audits that the International Monetary Fund says Guyana needs to stop letting drag on.

The contrast is hard to ignore. On one hand, a government asking marine salvage companies to submit proposals limited to ten pages, on a deadline more than three weeks out, just to recover a ferry that killed at least 73 people and left 30 more missing and presumed dead. On the other, a government that has allowed a years-long dispute over Exxon’s own cost accounting to sit unresolved, even as the IMF’s latest Article IV mission all but pleaded with Guyanese officials to move faster.

The Exxon money still on the table

An audit conducted by IHS Markit, covering the period 1999 to 2017, found $214.4 million in Exxon-claimed costs that were either ineligible for cost recovery or lacked adequate supporting documentation. A second audit, covering a later period and carried out by SGS in partnership with Martindale Consultants and Guyanese firms Ramdihal and Haynes, Eclisar Financial and Vitality Accounting and Consultancy, remains under review.

In its Staff Concluding Statement released Friday, the IMF urged Guyana to resolve both disputes “in a timely manner,” including through arbitration where necessary, citing “important fiscal and governance implications.” The Fund also called on Guyana to keep strengthening its capacity to audit its own rapidly expanding oil and gas sector, and separately pushed for stronger public procurement practices as government spending continues to climb.

That is real money potentially owed to a country that just weeks ago couldn’t get a $12.7 million replacement ferry into service after three years, and is now asking private companies to volunteer for the job of recovering the vessel that killed dozens because the government’s own agencies weren’t positioned to do it themselves.

The salvage search, under pressure

MARAD’s Expression of Interest notice, issued Saturday, came only after intensifying pressure: swelling protests from civil society activists, University of Guyana students, and the political opposition, following the swearing-in of the five-member international Commission of Inquiry. Opposition Leader Azruddin Mohamed credited the reversal directly to public pressure. “The Government has finally buckled under the pressure of the people,” he said. “This is a victory for every citizen who refused to remain silent.”

But Mohamed also flagged what the August 14 deadline actually means: it is only the deadline for companies to submit proposals, not for the salvage itself to begin. At that pace, he warned, the vessel may not actually be recovered until sometime in September, nearly two months after it went down.

Contractors are being asked to detail how they’ll protect forensic evidence for the Commission’s investigation while working in near-zero visibility, strong currents, and 13 to 15 meters of water, some 28 nautical miles off Guyana’s coast. French military divers who assisted in the earlier search and recovery effort had already reported zero visibility and a maze of ropes and hammocks trapped inside the sunken vessel.

The same pattern, different ledger

Whether it’s a multimillion-dollar oil dispute or a $12.7 million ferry sitting idle for three years, the through-line is the same: money and resources Guyana has access to, or is owed, not being pursued or deployed with urgency, while ordinary Guyanese, and now grieving families, pay the price of the delay. The IMF’s own language, that these audits carry “important fiscal and governance implications,” could just as easily describe the government’s handling of its own maritime infrastructure over the past three years.

NewsAmericasNow will continue tracking both the salvage operation and Guyana’s response to the IMF’s findings.

RELATED: The Guyana Ferry Disaster Is The Caribbean’s Worst Since 1970

The Caribbean AI Moment? – Trinidad Got There First. Who’s Next And Who Pays For It?

By News Americas Business Editor

News Americas, MIAMI, FL, Sun. July 26, 2026: the region’s first stop. The question the rest of the Caribbean should be asking isn’t whether this was a good deal for Trinidad – it’s what it will take for the next island to be next, and who finances the gap between “signed MOU” and “operational campus” in the Caribbean AI race.

That gap is the real story. Trinidad and Tobago has signed a trio of agreements with U.S. companies that could bring more than US$5 billion in investment to the twin-island republic – the first data center agreements of their kind between major U.S. technology and services firms and any Caribbean nation. But the deals also expose, in stark numbers, exactly what a small island grid and water system look like when asked to absorb hyperscale AI infrastructure: a 2.4-gigawatt national generation capacity being asked to accommodate up to 450 additional megawatts of demand, in a country where parts of the population already receive water on a rationed schedule.

The Memoranda of Understanding, signed July 11 under Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s administration, set the framework for two large-scale data center projects and the revival of a dormant steel plant. Foreign and CARICOM Affairs Minister Sean Sobers signed on the government’s behalf, with officials crediting U.S. government facilitation for bringing the parties together.

The Deals

Professional services giant Ernst & Young signed on to develop a 300-megawatt data center using its Energy to Intelligence platform, partnering with third parties on construction. A second agreement with Hummingbird AI Holdings, a Florida-based firm led by Massy Holdings non-executive director Marc-Kwesi Farrell, outlines a 150-megawatt AI infrastructure and data center campus, with room to scale up to 500 megawatts. First operations are targeted for early 2028, pending due diligence.

A third MOU with Pinnacle Steel and Vanadium Corporation covers recommissioning the iron and steel plant at Point Lisas — a facility that, if fully developed, officials say could eventually supply up to half of U.S. demand for vanadium, a metal used in aerospace and defense manufacturing.

Combined, the government projects the three initiatives could generate more than 5,000 jobs, spanning construction, engineering, cybersecurity and facility operations.

A structurally different kind of capital

Caribbean economies are used to two kinds of foreign capital: tourism development and commodity extraction. AI infrastructure is a third category entirely – capital-intensive, long-horizon, and dependent on power and connectivity rather than beaches or barrels. That’s precisely why it pulls in adjacent investment rather than sitting in isolation: cloud providers, network operators, specialized contractors, and – critically – whoever finances the grid and water upgrades a hyperscale campus requires before it can switch on.

The infrastructure gap is the opportunity

The agreements are non-binding frameworks, not final investment decisions – each project still faces technical, commercial, and regulatory due diligence before ground is broken. And the questions being raised locally are the right ones. Data centers, particularly AI-focused facilities, are heavy consumers of both electricity and water for cooling. Trinidad and Tobago’s total generation capacity sits at roughly 2.4 gigawatts, and large parts of the country already operate on scheduled water supply, with some homes relying on tanks because taps run as rarely as once a week. A recent United Nations University report estimates data centers could account for close to 3% of global electricity use by 2030 – a figure that sharpens exactly what a 300-to-500-megawatt buildout would demand of a grid and water system already under strain.

That gap – between the capital arriving for the data centers and the capital still needed for the power and water infrastructure underneath them – is where the next wave of Caribbean deal flow sits. It’s a financing conversation as much as a construction one.

Who’s next

Whether or not these specific projects reach financial close, they signal something every Caribbean government, investment promotion agency, and developer should be watching closely: global AI infrastructure capital has started actively scouting the region, and Trinidad moved first. The islands and territories positioning themselves now – with grid capacity, water resilience plans, and investment-ready proposals in hand – are the ones likely to catch the next wave of this capital, rather than watching it pass them by.

Invest Caribbean and AI Capital Exchange (AICE) work with pre-qualified borrowers – governments, developers and investors – pursuing exactly this kind of energy, water and infrastructure financing across the region. If the Caribbean’s AI infrastructure moment is one your project or government wants in on, start with a Capital Readiness Check.

RELATED: Energy Crisis – Why Is The Caribbean Still Importing Energy?

Caribbean Wages 2026: Guyana And Suriname’s Oil Boom vs. Some Of The Region’s Lowest Pay

By NAN BUSINESS EDITOR | NewsAmericasNow.com

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Fri. July 24, 2026: Where do Caribbean wages stand in 2026, amid rising costs of living? News Americas decided to investigate – especially as Guyana and Suriname are, by nearly every measure, becoming the Caribbean’s next oil powerhouses.

Guyana is already pumping roughly 650,000 barrels of oil a day from ExxonMobil’s offshore Stabroek Block – a resource base exceeding 11 billion barrels of oil equivalent that has made it the fastest-growing economy on earth. Suriname is not far behind: TotalEnergies and partners committed $10.5 billion to the GranMorgu project in October 2024, targeting first oil by 2028 from reserves estimated at more than 750 million barrels.

Both governments are moving fast to show the wealth on the ground – new roads, bridges and infrastructure projects are underway or planned across both countries, funded in large part by oil revenue and the borrowing power it unlocks.

And yet, according to wage data compiled by wage.is and analyzed by NewsAmericasnow, Guyana and Suriname have the two lowest statutory minimum wages anywhere in the Caribbean: Suriname at $1.40 an hour, and Guyana at $1.66 an hour – lower than many other territory in the region, including nations with no oil at all.

To be clear, this is about the wage floor, not the whole economy. Oil-sector engineers, executives and skilled professionals in both countries earn far more than minimum wage, and their earnings aren’t reflected in this comparison. What the numbers do show is that the region’s lowest-paid workers – the people cleaning, driving, serving and laboring at the base of these economies – are earning less than their counterparts anywhere else in the Caribbean, even as their countries sit on some of the most valuable oil reserves in the hemisphere.

At the very bottom of the regional table sit Cuba and Haiti – but for entirely different reasons than Guyana and Suriname. Cuba’s minimum wage, tied to a peso in free fall against the US dollar, converts to just $0.03–0.05 an hour even after a 53 percent nominal increase took effect July 1. Haiti’s $0.34–0.74 an hour reflects a different crisis altogether: a state contending with entrenched gang violence and currency instability rather than an oil boom. Neither nation’s low wages can be attributed to energy wealth – they simply mark the floor against which the rest of the region, including Guyana and Suriname, can be measured.

The Region’s Full Wage Picture

Across 24 Caribbean territories, minimum wages range from just above zero to nearly $14 an hour:

Trinidad and Tobago – the Caribbean’s longest-established oil and gas producer, with decades of hydrocarbon revenue behind it – sits at $3.00 an hour, still among the lower tier of the region despite generations of energy wealth. It is a pattern worth noting: none of CARICOM’s three oil and gas producers rank in the top half of the region’s wage table.

Building Fast, Paying Slow

Guyana’s government has moved aggressively to convert oil revenue into visible infrastructure – new highways, bridges and energy projects have become a hallmark of President Irfaan Ali’s administration, even as this outlet has previously reported on questions surrounding a private agricultural estate built with resources whose origin the president says predates his time in office. Suriname’s Staatsolie has likewise signaled, through its stake in GranMorgu, that oil development will bring “significant positive economic spin-off through the deployment of local labor and the procurement of goods and services.”

Neither country’s minimum wage has kept pace with that infrastructure push. Guyana’s statutory minimum wage of $1.66 an hour translates to roughly $285 a month – a figure that has drawn scrutiny as the country’s GDP has grown at rates unmatched almost anywhere in the world. Suriname’s $1.40 an hour, at roughly $280 a month, is the lowest in the entire Caribbean, even as the country prepares to become a major offshore oil producer within two years.

A Regional Pattern Worth Watching

None of this proves oil wealth causes low wages – Suriname, in particular, has not yet begun producing offshore oil, so its current minimum wage predates any revenue from GranMorgu entirely. What the data does show is a consistent gap: the three CARICOM nations most associated with oil and gas – Guyana, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago – all sit below the regional median for minimum wage, while smaller, non-oil territories like Barbados, the Cayman Islands and the French collectivities of Saint Martin and Saint Barths pay their lowest earners substantially more.

As both Guyana and Suriname race to build the physical infrastructure of their oil futures – the roads, the bridges, the ports – the question their lowest-paid workers are left asking is a simple one: when does the wage floor catch up to the boom?

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Trump’s New Tariffs Hit These Four Caribbean Countries

By NAN Business Editor, NewsAmericas Now

News Americas, WASHINGTON, D.C., Fri. July 24, 2026: US President Trump is imposing new tariffs on dozens of U.S. trading partners, including four Caribbean nations, after determining they have failed to adequately enforce bans on imports made with forced labor.

The Bahamas, the Dominican Republic and Guyana will face a 12.5% tariff, while Trinidad and Tobago will face a 10% tariff, under action U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer announced Thursday. The new tariffs apply to 60 economies in total, accounting for 99% of U.S. imports, and take effect as temporary 10% worldwide tariffs Trump had imposed under a separate authority expire at 12:01 a.m. Friday.

“The United States has had a forced labor import ban for nearly a century, and rigorously enforces it; it’s well past time for our trading partners to do the same,” Greer said in a statement. “Today’s action will begin to correct what is both a human rights abuse and distortive trade practice to improve the welfare of workers everywhere.”

Ironically, all four countries have signed on to Trump’s Shield of the Americas, and Trinidad and Tobago in particular has been front and center in its support of the US amid angst with other CARICOM nations. Guyana last week saw the US State Department host an investment forum to push American businesses to invest there.

Why these tariffs, and why now

The administration is invoking Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, a more durable legal authority than the emergency powers Trump previously used to justify sweeping global tariffs. The Supreme Court struck down those earlier tariffs earlier this year, ruling that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act did not authorize them and forcing the administration to refund duties already collected. Trump had then relied on temporary Section 122 tariffs, which are capped at 150 days by law and expire Friday. Section 301, by contrast, allows the president to impose tariffs against countries found to engage in “unjustifiable,” “unreasonable” or “discriminatory” trade practices, and has previously survived legal challenges when used against China.

The forced labor investigation began in March, when USTR opened probes into 60 economies’ enforcement of import bans on goods made with forced labor. Following two rounds of public hearings and more than 2,100 public comments, USTR determined 54 of those economies, including all four Caribbean nations named, have failed to impose and effectively enforce such a ban. A separate group of six economies, including Canada, Mexico and the European Union, were found to have failed to effectively enforce a ban they do have in place.

Oil, gas, fertilizer and goods qualifying for duty-free status under the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement are exempt from the new tariffs.

What it means for the Caribbean

The tariffs add a new layer of economic pressure on four Caribbean economies already navigating a complex relationship with Washington on trade, security and investment. Guyana in particular has been the subject of an intensifying US commercial courtship in recent months, with American officials publicly pushing to position US companies to lead the country’s energy and infrastructure sectors even as this new tariff adds friction to its broader trade relationship with Washington.

Human rights advocates offered mixed reactions to the broader tariff action. Martina Vandenberg, founder and president of the Human Trafficking Legal Center, said import bans can be “a potentially effective tool in combating forced labor across the globe,” but urged a phased approach so countries have time to build enforcement mechanisms, warning that without it, “the import bans will be thin slips of paper with no enforcement.” Isabelle Glimcher, a senior research scientist for global labor at the NYU Stern Center for Human Rights, noted the tariffs are structured around what countries import rather than what they produce domestically, though she said the threat of tariffs has already pushed some countries to strengthen their own forced labor import policies.

Tariffs are ultimately paid by the US companies importing the goods, costs that are often passed on to American consumers, and the administration is rolling out the new levies just months ahead of the November midterm elections.

NewsAmericasNow will continue tracking how the new tariffs affect trade between the US and the Caribbean.