By NAN News Editor | NewsAmericasNow.com

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Mon. July 13, 2026: The U.S. government has a warning for its own citizens: stay out of Haiti. The State Department’s Level 4 “Do Not Travel” advisory – its highest risk designation, placing Haiti alongside Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and North Korea – cites rampant crime, widespread kidnapping, terrorist activity and a national state of emergency that has been in effect since March 2024. At the same time, the Department of Homeland Security is moving to strip legal status from roughly 330,000 Haitian Temporary Protected Status holders across the country, clearing the way to send them back into the very conditions Washington tells its own citizens to avoid entirely.

A Collision Course With the Calendar

The countdown is no longer abstract. Haiti’s TPS designation was set to terminate on February 3, 2026, but a federal judge in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia stayed that termination in the case Miot et al. v. Trump et al. That stay held until June 25, 2026, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Mullin v. Doe – a consolidated case covering both Haiti and Syria- that courts do not have the power to review the administration’s decision to end a TPS designation. The Court also rejected a claim that Haiti’s termination was racially motivated, finding insufficient evidence.

Since that ruling, USCIS has issued a series of short-term work authorization extensions: first to July 10, then to July 24, 2026. Legal analysts note the plaintiffs argue the Supreme Court’s mandate takes a minimum of 32 days to formally issue, putting the real-world effective date of termination around July 27 – just days after the current EAD extension runs out.

Unless Congress or the courts intervene again, hundreds of thousands of Haitians who have lived, worked and raised U.S. citizen children in this country for over a decade will lose their legal right to work within weeks.

What Haiti Actually Looks Like Right Now

A U.S. military cargo plane prepares to land at Toussaint Louverture Airport following armed attacks in the Plaine du Cul-de-Sac area of Port-au-Prince, Haiti on May 11, 2026. (Photo by Guerinault Louis/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Former DHS Secretary Kristi Noem’s termination notice acknowledged that conditions in Haiti “remain[ed] concerning,” particularly gang violence, but argued that some areas of the country were suitable for return. The facts on the ground tell a different story – one that’s getting worse, not better, as the deadline approaches.

In the first week of July alone, two separate waves of armed violence displaced more than 7,100 people in Haiti’s Ouest Department. On July 1, 2026, clashes in Pinso and Grand-État in the Ganthier commune displaced 1,328 people. Days later, attacks beginning the night of July 4-5 and spreading through July 8 hit Kenscoff, displacing 5,840 people and forcing the closure of three existing displacement sites – pushing people who were already homeless into homelessness again. The violence included killings, house burnings, and kidnappings. It marked the area’s largest displacement event since February 2025.

This is the country roughly a third of a million Haitians living legally in Florida, New York, Massachusetts and beyond are now at risk of being sent back to – a country the U.S. government itself won’t let its own citizens visit.

The Economic Stakes Nobody’s Talking About Locally

The human cost is only part of the story. Haitian TPS holders contribute an estimated $5.9 billion to the U.S. economy annually and pay a combined $1.56 billion in federal, payroll, state and local taxes each year, according to research compiled by Princeton fellow Dr. Phillip Connor for FWD.us, the Haitian Bridge Alliance and Black Nomad.

That contribution isn’t confined to the big coastal metros usually mentioned in national coverage. It runs through mid-sized American cities most reporting on this story ignores entirely:

Allentown, PA – $197 million annually

Indianapolis, IN – $136 million annually

Port St. Lucie, FL – $134 million annually

Springfield, OH – $91 million annually

Jacksonville, FL – $56 million annually

Columbus, OH – $44 million annually

Roughly 200,000 Haitian TPS holders, according to FWD.US data are already embedded in the U.S. workforce – 22,000 cooks and servers serving 880,000 meals daily, 13,000 nursing assistants caring for 65,000 patients, 15,000 agricultural workers, 8,000 caregivers looking after 12,000 children and elderly Americans. Pulling them out of the workforce doesn’t just hurt Haitian families – it raises costs for everyday Americans in food, care and services across these communities.

An estimated 50,000 U.S. citizen children currently depend on their Haitian TPS parents’ income. Without it, an estimated 25,000 of those children would be pushed into poverty.

A Historic Scale of Loss

Haiti is not an isolated case – it’s part of what immigration researchers are calling an unprecedented dismantling of humanitarian protections. Cato Institute’s David Bier has said the country has never seen this many people lose legal status at once, calling it entirely without precedent. The numbers back him up: the TPS population grew from under 500,000 in 2017 to about 1.3 million by 2025, and the current administration has ended or moved to end designations for 13 of the 17 countries that held them, with at least 700,000 people already having lost status in 2025 alone. Once the pending terminations for countries like Burma, Ethiopia, Somalia and South Sudan take effect, only four TPS designations are expected to remain active nationwide.

Congress Has a Fix. It’s Stalled.

The House of Representatives already passed a bipartisan response. H.R. 1689, which would require the Secretary of Homeland Security to maintain Haiti’s TPS designation for the remainder of the administration, cleared the House on April 16, 2026, by a vote of 224-204, with 10 Republicans and one independent joining Democrats. An identical Senate companion bill, S. 4814, was introduced in June – but as of this writing, it has not attracted a single Republican cosponsor.

That inaction, not just the court fight, is now squarely part of the story. Every senator who has not signed on to S. 4814 is, in effect, allowing a Level 4 “Do Not Travel” country to become the destination for hundreds of thousands of people currently paying taxes, raising U.S. citizen children, and working essential jobs in American communities.

What Happens Next

Barring a last-minute reversal, Haitian TPS holders are expected to lose work authorization around July 27, 2026. From that point, absent another form of relief such as a pending asylum claim, they revert to undocumented status – deportable to a country their own government tells Americans not to set foot in.

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By Darsh Khusial

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Sun. July 12, 2026: On June 21, 2026, Guyana’s Kaieteur News quoted ExxonMobil Guyana’s Vice President and Business Services Manager, John Colling, as saying: “Through the end of 2025, there was over US$55B in the cost bank, of which US$51B had been recovered. As I mentioned in my prior talking points, US$4.5B was yet to be recovered by ExxonMobil Guyana Limited and its co-venturers.”

The ExxonMobil Guyana offices at 86 Duke Street in Georgetown, Guyana. Photographer: Jose A. Alvarado Jr./Bloomberg via Getty Images

At first glance, this appears to be welcome news. Once most of the accumulated costs have been recovered, Guyana should begin receiving a larger share of the oil revenues, rather than the paltry 14.5% of total revenues it currently receives.

However, there is a major mystery concerning the actual amount of oil revenue generated through the end of 2025. According to the Bank of Guyana’s (BoG) reports, total oil revenue through the end of 2025 was approximately US$61.3 billion. Under the Stabroek Block Production Sharing Agreement, up to 75% of oil revenue may be allocated to cost recovery.

Therefore, if Exxon and its partners recovered US$51 billion in costs, total oil revenue would have had to be at least: US$51 billion ÷ 75% = US$68 billion. This is at least US$6.7 billion more than the US$61.3 billion indicated by the Bank of Guyana’s reports.

Guyana’s current share amounts to approximately 14.5% of total oil revenue. Applying that percentage to the unexplained US$6.7 billion difference produces approximately US$972 million – almost US$1 billion. To put the matter plainly: has Guyana been shortchanged by almost US$1 billion, even under the meager 14.5% share of revenue it currently receives? The public cannot determine whether the Government of Guyana and the oil companies are using different production volumes, different realized oil prices, different accounting periods or different definitions of revenue. Any of these could contribute to the discrepancies.

The Government must explain these differences clearly and publicly. How does the Government’s cost-recovery balance reconcile with ExxonMobil’s US$51 billion figure? What was the total value of oil produced and sold through the end of 2025? What realized oil prices were used? How were Guyana’s royalty and profit-oil entitlements calculated? If the Government cannot establish the correct amount of oil revenue, how can the public verify that the royalty and profit-oil payments received by Guyana are accurate?

EDITOR’S NOTE: Darsh Khusial is an executive of the Oil and Gas Governance Network (OGGN) Other executive members include Kenrick Hunte and Joe Persaud.

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