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Belize Immigrant With Manslaughter Conviction Listed On ICE Most Wanted Fugitive List

By Staff Reporter | NewsAmericasNow.com

News Americas, WASHINGTON, D.C., Tues. May 26, 2026: US Immigration and Customs Enforcement has listed a Belize national as one of its most wanted fugitives, seeking information on the whereabouts of Santos Moreira, who has evaded removal from the United States since 2010.

According to ICE, Moreira is wanted for removal as a previously removed criminal alien with felony convictions for manslaughter, robbery with a firearm, and possession and purchase of cocaine. He was originally ordered removed by an immigration judge on November 7, 1995, and has been removed from the United States multiple times – most recently on October 14, 2010, according to the agency.

ICE alleges Moreira unlawfully re-entered the United States after his last removal at an unknown place and date without inspection. His last known location was Los Angeles, California. He is described as having dark skin, dark hair and dark eyes, weighing approximately 215 pounds, with a scar on his left arm.

ICE is asking anyone with information about Moreira’s whereabouts to contact their local ICE office or call the national hotline at 1-866-DHS-2-ICE.

RELATED: What Caribbean Immigrants Need To Know About The New Green Card Rules

What Caribbean Immigrants Need To Know About The New Green Card Rules

By Staff Reporter | NewsAmericasNow.com

News, Americas, NY, NY, Mon. May 25, 2026: As the US marks another Memorial Day, confusion is again reigning among immigrants. New green card rules from the US Citizenship and Immigration Services now reflect a significant policy shift that could force thousands of Caribbean and other immigrants already living in the United States. It now requires them to leave the country and apply for permanent residency from abroad – upending a decades-long practice that allowed eligible immigrants to apply for a Green Card without leaving US soil.

The new policy memo, announced May 22, 2026, directs USCIS officers to treat adjustment of status – the process by which eligible immigrants apply for permanent residency while remaining in the United States – as an “extraordinary discretionary relief” rather than a routine process available to qualifying applicants.

The change represents one of the most significant shifts in US immigration processing in decades and carries immediate implications for Caribbean nationals on student visas, tourist visas, and certain temporary work visas who had planned to pursue permanent residency without leaving the country.

What Changed And Why It Matters

Under longstanding practice, immigrants who were physically present in the United States and met certain eligibility requirements could file what is known as an I-485 adjustment of status application to obtain a Green Card without returning to their home country. For Caribbean immigrants – many of whom face lengthy consular processing waits and logistical challenges in returning to their home countries – this pathway has been critical.

Under the new policy, as analyzed by immigration law firm Quarles, USCIS officers are now directed to deny adjustment of status applications unless the applicant can demonstrate “unusual or even outstanding equities” – a significantly higher standard than existed under prior practice, where adjustment was treated as relatively routine for eligible applicants.

USCIS said the goal of the new policy is to reduce illegal overstays and reallocate agency resources – characterizing the shift not as a new rule but as enforcement of long-standing immigration law.

Five Things Caribbean Immigrants Need To Know

1. Green Cards Will No Longer Be Routine For Many Applicants

USCIS has directed that adjustment of status is now reserved for “extraordinary circumstances.” Most immigrants on temporary visas — including students, tourists, and some temporary workers – who want a Green Card may now be required to return to their home country to apply through consular processing at a US embassy or consulate abroad, according to the Quarles analysis.

2. Already-Pending Applications Are Also Affected

Critically, as Quarles noted, the new policy memo does not contain a grandfathering provision for applications already filed. This means immigrants who filed I-485 applications before the new policy was announced may still face the heightened scrutiny under the new standard at the time their application is reviewed. Applicants may face additional Requests for Evidence or questions at interviews about why adjustment rather than consular processing is warranted in their case.

3. H-1B And L-1 Workers May Be Less Impacted

The policy memo suggests that immigrants holding H-1B or L-1 work visas – which carry what is known as “dual intent,” meaning the holder can legally seek permanent residency while on a temporary work visa – may face less impact from the new policy. However, as Quarles cautioned, holding a dual-intent visa alone is not sufficient to guarantee approval, as USCIS officers must still weigh all relevant factors on a case-by-case basis.

4. Filing An Application Is Still Permitted

Importantly, as Quarles noted, the new policy does not stop immigrants from filing I-485 applications. The right to file is governed by federal statute and cannot be overridden by a policy memo. However, the standard for approval has been raised significantly — meaning filing does not carry the same expectation of approval it once did.

5. Legal Challenges Are Expected

Given the sweeping scope of the change and its retroactive application to already-pending cases, immigration attorneys say legal challenges in federal courts are almost inevitable. Courts may be asked to address whether the memo’s retroactive application raises due process concerns and whether the policy is consistent with prior congressional and judicial action, according to the Quarles analysis.

What Caribbean Immigrants Should Do Right Now

Immigration attorneys are urging Caribbean nationals with pending or planned Green Card applications to take immediate action:

Consult a licensed immigration attorney immediately – not a notario or immigration consultant

Do not travel outside the United States on Advance Parole without first consulting an attorney, as the new policy raises the stakes for travelers with pending applications

Document your case thoroughly – family ties, length of time in the US, employment history, and good moral character are all relevant factors officers will consider

Do not panic if your application is pending – applications can still be filed and approved, but the standard has changed

The Broader Context

The new USCIS adjustment of status policy follows a series of significant immigration enforcement changes under the Trump administration – including the recent signature rule change that allows USCIS to deny applications with invalid signatures without refund, expanded deportation operations, and new restrictions on asylum processing.

For the Caribbean diaspora in the United States – a community that includes hundreds of thousands of Jamaicans, Trinidadians, Haitians, Guyanese, Barbadians, and others navigating the US immigration system – the cumulative impact of these policy shifts is creating an increasingly complex and high-stakes environment for those seeking permanent residency.

RELATED: Trump ICE Fee Hike Could Price Immigrants Out Of Deportation Relief

Africa, The Global South & The Guyana-Venezuela Case

By Ron Cheong

News Americas, TORONTO, Canada, Sun. May 24, 2026: At first glance, the territorial controversy between Guyana-Venezuela may appear to be a distant South American border dispute with limited relevance to Africa. In reality, however, the case now before the International Court of Justice carries implications that reach across the entire Global South.

For reasons of both history and principle, Africa, and particularly South Africa, occupies an especially important place in understanding the broader significance of the controversy. African states emerged from colonialism confronting deeply imperfect borders, yet made the deliberate decision to preserve inherited frontiers rather than reopen territorial claims that could destabilize the continent. That historical experience now provides valuable context for understanding the stakes in the Guyana–Venezuela dispute.

At issue is Venezuela’s claim to nearly two-thirds of Guyana’s territory, including the vast resource-rich Essequibo region. But the matter has evolved into something far larger than a bilateral border dispute. Increasingly, it represents a wider contest over principles central to the post-colonial international order itself: territorial integrity, the finality of established boundaries, and whether historical grievances can legitimately be used to reopen long-settled frontiers.

The Principle Of Finality

At the heart of the case lies the 1899 Arbitral Award, which established the boundary between Guyana and Venezuela. Guyana maintains that the award legally and definitively settled the frontier more than a century ago and that Venezuela accepted the boundary for decades before reviving its claim in the mid-twentieth century.

This raises a foundational principle in international law: finality.

Without finality, borders are never truly settled. And where borders remain perpetually open to reinterpretation, the risk of instability becomes permanent. The modern international system depends heavily upon the understanding that even imperfect historical settlements must eventually acquire legal certainty. Otherwise, historical grievances could be invoked almost indefinitely to challenge existing states and boundaries.

Africa’s Historical Perspective

Africa understands this dilemma perhaps better than any other region.

At independence, African leaders inherited borders largely drawn during the colonial era – many of them arbitrary, artificial, and insensitive to ethnic, linguistic, or historical realities. Yet African governments recognized that attempting to redraw borders across the continent would likely trigger endless disputes and conflict.

The result was one of the most consequential diplomatic choices in post-colonial history: the collective decision to preserve inherited boundaries while pursuing peaceful coexistence and regional stability. That principle later became embedded in African diplomatic practice and international norms regarding territorial integrity.

This historical experience gives African countries a particularly important perspective on the Guyana-Venezuela controversy. It also helps explain why the case should matter more broadly across the Global South.

South Africa’s Diplomatic Relevance

South Africa occupies a distinctive position within this discussion.

Since the end of apartheid, Pretoria has consistently emphasized multilateralism, negotiated settlement of disputes, and adherence to international legal institutions. South Africa has frequently presented itself as a leading voice in the Global South on sovereignty, decolonization, international equity, and peaceful conflict resolution.

Those positions make the Guyana–Venezuela case especially relevant to South African diplomacy. The issues at stake – respect for established borders, peaceful adjudication, and opposition to unilateral territorial revisionism- closely mirror principles South Africa itself has long defended internationally.

Venezuela’s Expanding Diplomatic Narrative

At the same time, Venezuela’s diplomatic strategy appears to be evolving in sophisticated ways.

Recognizing the emotional and political resonance of anti-colonial narratives within the developing world, Caracas increasingly frames the controversy not primarily as a technical legal dispute, but as a struggle against historical injustice and colonial-era manipulation. Venezuela argues that the 1899 arbitral process was unfairly influenced by the British Empire and therefore lacks legitimacy.

This narrative naturally carries appeal in parts of the Global South where memories of colonial domination remain powerful.

Yet, Africa’s own historical experience complicates that argument considerably. If every border shaped by colonial-era asymmetry were reopened today, many African states themselves could become vulnerable to competing historical claims and revisionist nationalism. African stability has depended not on the perfection of inherited borders, but on the collective agreement to respect them while resolving disputes through diplomacy and law.

That reality exposes a significant weakness in Venezuela’s broader narrative. Anti-colonial rhetoric alone cannot provide a workable foundation for reopening internationally recognized frontiers generations later without risking wider instability across the post-colonial world.

Why Guyana’s Position Resonates With Small States

There is another dimension of the dispute that may resonate strongly across Africa and the wider developing world.

Guyana is itself a small post-colonial developing state of fewer than one million people confronting territorial claims advanced by a much larger neighbour. Increasingly, many observers view the controversy less as “Britain versus Venezuela” and more as a test of whether smaller states can rely upon international law and multilateral institutions for protection against revisionist pressure.

That distinction matters deeply for many African countries, which similarly depend upon international norms, legal frameworks, and collective diplomacy as safeguards against coercion by more powerful actors.

Indeed, the principles at stake in the Essequibo controversy closely parallel principles African states themselves have historically defended:

respect for internationally recognized boundaries;

peaceful settlement of disputes;

rejection of unilateral territorial revisionism; and

adherence to international adjudication and legal process.

Why African Engagement Matters

African engagement matters precisely because Africa has lived through the dangers of border instability and understands the importance of legal predictability in preserving peace.

The continent’s experience demonstrates that stability is often maintained not by perfect borders, but by collective commitment to respecting established ones while managing disputes through diplomacy, negotiation, and law rather than pressure or force.

This does not require African governments to “take sides” geopolitically. Rather, it calls for reaffirmation of principles that African diplomacy itself helped shape over decades:

sovereign equality of states;

territorial integrity;

peaceful dispute resolution; and

respect for international legal institutions.

Those principles have protected many African states from wider instability and remain essential safeguards for smaller and developing countries globally.

A Strategic Opportunity For Guyana

For Guyana, therefore, deeper diplomatic engagement with Africa represents more than symbolic outreach. It offers an opportunity to frame the dispute within a broader post-colonial context that many African states intuitively understand.

Africa’s own historical choices regarding inherited borders help illuminate why the Guyana–Venezuela controversy is not simply about colonial history, but about preserving international stability in the present. By engaging African governments, scholars, diplomatic institutions, and public opinion leaders, Guyana can strengthen international understanding of the legal and systemic implications of the case.

Such engagement could also help expose the limitations of Venezuela’s attempt to frame the controversy primarily through anti-colonial rhetoric. Africa’s experience demonstrates that post-colonial solidarity and respect for settled boundaries are not contradictory principles; in fact, they have often been mutually reinforcing foundations of stability.

A Wider Global South Test

Ultimately, the Guyana-Venezuela controversy is becoming a broader test for the Global South itself.

Can post-colonial solidarity coexist with respect for settled international boundaries? Can historical grievances be acknowledged without undermining modern international stability? And can smaller states continue to rely upon international law as their primary shield in an increasingly uncertain world?

These questions extend far beyond South America. They are particularly relevant to Africa, and especially to South Africa, whose diplomatic identity has long been tied to the defense of international legality, negotiated settlement, and principled multilateralism.

In that sense, the Essequibo case is no longer merely a regional territorial dispute. It has become part of a much wider conversation about sovereignty, stability, and the future of international order across the post-colonial world.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Ron Cheong is a frequent political commentator and columnist whose recent work focuses on international relations, economic resilience, and Caribbean-American affairs. He is a community activist and dedicated volunteer with extensive international banking experience. Now residing in Toronto, Canada, he is a fellow of the Institute of Canadian Bankers and holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Toronto.

RELATED: Guyana-Venezuela Border Battle: The Battle For Global Narrative

Cuba Maintains Socialist Path At BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting Amid U.S. Pressure

By Madelyn Herrera

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Thurs. May 21, 2026: Cuba’s Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez this week stated that despite the U.S. blockade and threats of force, Cuba “continues to build its sovereign path toward socialist development and contribute, from its modest means, to the development of other peoples of the Global South.”

The remarks were made on May 15th during the BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in India, held as part of discussions on reforms of global governance and the multilateral system. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Rodríguez exchanged views on regional and international matters, reaffirming their countries’ opposition to unilateral sanctions that they say violate the United Nations Charter.

Lavrov also assured Rodríguez that Russia would support Havana’s demand for the immediate lifting of the U.S. trade, economic and financial blockade against the island, according to a press release on the official website of the Russian Foreign Ministry. At the opening session on May 14th, the Cuban delegation denounced what it described as “the successive executive orders issued by the United States government that reinforce the economic blockade and the threat of military aggression against Cuba.”

The Cuban foreign minister said U.S. actions violate each country’s right to determine its own trade relations. In addition to the energy-related measures imposed on Jan. 29th this year, Cuba also criticized secondary sanctions it said are extraterritorial in nature and target countries that do business with the island.

Foreign ministers and heads of delegations from BRICS member and partner countries attended the ministerial meeting, which concluded last Friday. The meeting comes amid growing geopolitical tensions between Western nations and BRICS-aligned countries over sanctions, trade, and global governance reforms.

RELATED: Is Washington Preparing Another Bay Of Pigs In Cuba?

Cuba Denounces U.S. Indictment Of Raul Castro As Political Provocation

By Staff Reporter | NewsAmericasNow.com

News Americas, MIAMI, FL, Thurs. May 21, 2026: Cuba has sharply condemned the U.S. decision to indict former Cuban President Raul Castro over the 1996 shootdown of two civilian aircraft operated by the Miami-based group Brothers to the Rescue, calling the charges a “despicable and infamous act of political provocation.”

The U.S. Department of Justice on Wednesday unsealed a superseding indictment charging Castro, now 94, and five co-defendants with conspiracy to kill U.S. nationals, destruction of aircraft, and four counts of murder in connection with the deaths of four Americans nearly 30 years ago. If convicted, Castro could face life imprisonment or the death penalty.

The four men killed were Carlos Costa, Armando Alejandre Jr., Mario de la Peña, and Pablo Morales. All were members of Brothers to the Rescue, also known as Hermanos al Rescate, a volunteer organization that used small civilian planes to search for Cuban migrants in distress in the Florida Straits.

The now indicted former President of Cuba, Raul Castro, seen here attendinga May Day rally marking International Workers’ Day in Havana on May 1, 2026. (Photo by YAMIL LAGE / AFP via Getty Images)

THE INDICTMENT

US federal prosecutors allege that on February 24, 1996, Cuban military pilots radioed Havana twice for authorization before shooting down two unarmed American civilian aircraft over international waters near the Florida Straits, killing four US nationals. Thirty years later, the United States has charged the man it alleges gave the order – former Cuban President Raul Modesto Castro Ruz, now 94 years old.

The US Department of Justice unsealed a superseding indictment on Wednesday, May 20, 2026, charging Castro Ruz and five co-defendants for their alleged roles in the attack. The charges include conspiracy to kill US nationals, two counts of destruction of aircraft, and four counts of murder. If convicted, Castro Ruz faces a maximum penalty of death or life imprisonment.

The four Americans killed were Carlos Costa, Armando Alejandre Jr., Mario de la Peña, and Pablo Morales – members of Brothers to the Rescue, also known as Hermanos al Rescate, a Miami-based organization that flew unarmed Cessna aircraft across the Florida Straits to search for Cuban migrants in distress at sea.

A Long-Planned Operation, Prosecutors Allege

The February 24, 1996 attack was not spontaneous, according to the indictment. Prosecutors allege it was the culmination of a deliberate Cuban intelligence and military operation code-named Operación Escorpión – Operation Scorpion – designed to stop Brothers to the Rescue from conducting flights near Cuba.

According to the indictment, Cuban intelligence had been running agents inside the United States since at least 1992, specifically tasked with infiltrating Brothers to the Rescue in Miami. Those agents were allegedly part of a spy network code-named La Red Avispa – the Wasp Network — whose members posed as Cuban exiles fleeing the Castro regime.

At least one alleged Wasp Network agent, Juan Pablo Roque, went further – offering himself to the FBI as an informant on Miami-based exile groups including Brothers to the Rescue, while allegedly working as a Cuban intelligence operative whose FBI cooperation was directed and controlled by Havana, according to the indictment.

For years, the indictment alleges, the Wasp Network reported back to Havana on Brothers to the Rescue flight operations, personnel, and plans. As Operation Scorpion intensified in early 1996, the network was allegedly instructed to urgently report all Brothers to the Rescue flight data — including specific plans for February 24, 1996.

Castro Allegedly Authorized Deadly Force Personally

According to the indictment, after Brothers to the Rescue flights in January 1996 dropped pro-democracy leaflets over Cuba, Castro Ruz personally met with military leaders and allegedly authorized them to take decisive and deadly action against the organization’s aircraft.

The Cuban military allegedly conducted specific training missions following those January flights, during which MiG fighter pilots practiced locating, following, and intercepting slow-moving civilian aircraft of the exact type flown by Brothers to the Rescue. The indictment alleges that all orders to kill by the Cuban military traveled through a chain of command with Castro Ruz and his brother Fidel Castro as the final decision makers.

The Spies Allegedly Knew What Was Coming

Among the most significant allegations in the indictment is what prosecutors say happened in the days immediately before the attack. On January 30, 1996, Cuban intelligence allegedly instructed its Miami-based agents – including Roque and fellow operative Rene Gonzalez – to avoid flying with Brothers to the Rescue and to use particular radio phrases if they happened to be airborne during the operation.

On February 21, 1996 – three days before the attack – Roque allegedly falsely informed the FBI that Brothers to the Rescue would not be flying during the weekend of February 24, 1996, despite knowing the organization was scheduled to fly that day. On February 23, 1996, Roque allegedly left Miami as directed and returned to Cuba.

February 24, 1996

At approximately 1:30pm on February 24, 1996, three unarmed Brothers to the Rescue aircraft departed from Opa-Locka Airport in Miami-Dade County, heading south across the 24th parallel. At approximately 3:00pm, according to the indictment, alleged co-defendant Lorenzo Alberto Perez-Perez and another pilot took off from San Antonio de los Baños airfield near Havana in Cuban military MiG jets.

At approximately 3:20pm, according to the indictment, Perez-Perez radioed for authorization to destroy the first Brothers to the Rescue aircraft – tail number N2456S – which was at that time flying over international waters. Authorization was allegedly granted. At approximately 3:21pm, without warning, the aircraft was allegedly shot down by an air-to-air missile, killing pilot Carlos Costa and his passenger Pablo Morales.

At approximately 3:26pm, according to the indictment, Perez-Perez radioed again – seeking authorization to destroy a second unarmed civilian aircraft, tail number N5485S, also flying over international waters. Authorization was allegedly granted a second time. At approximately 3:28pm, the second aircraft was allegedly destroyed by an air-to-air missile, killing pilot Mario de la Peña and his passenger Armando Alejandre Jr.

A third Brothers to the Rescue aircraft – tail number N2506 – escaped after additional Cuban MiG jets were scrambled to pursue and destroy it as well, according to the indictment.

One Defendant Already In US Custody

Of the six defendants named in the superseding indictment, one is already on US soil. Luis Raul Gonzalez-Pardo Rodriguez, 65, of Havana – alleged to have been one of the MiG pilots inside his fighter jet and ready to deploy on the day of the attack – is currently in US custody in the Middle District of Florida, pending sentencing this month for making false statements in an immigration document, according to the DOJ.

Historic Charges

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche described Wednesday’s announcement as a landmark moment. “For the first time in nearly 70 years, senior leadership of the Cuban regime has been charged in the United States for alleged acts of violence resulting in the deaths of American citizens,” Blanche said, as quoted in the DOJ announcement.

US Attorney Jason Reding Quiñones for the Southern District of Florida added: “This passage of time does not erase murder. It does not diminish the value of these lives. And it does not weaken our commitment to the rule of law,” as quoted by the DOJ.

The original indictment in this case was first filed under seal in 2003. Its unsealing Wednesday – more than two decades later – comes as part of the Trump administration’s escalating pressure campaign against Cuba, which has included a national emergency declaration in January 2026, expanded secondary sanctions targeting foreign entities doing business with Cuba in May 2026, and the designation of 11 Cuban regime officials just two days before Wednesday’s announcement.

Cuban Government Response

In a statement issued Wednesday, Cuba’s government said the United States lacks both the legitimacy and jurisdiction to prosecute Raul Castro. Havana argued that the 1996 incident was an act of lawful self-defense after repeated incursions into Cuban airspace by Brothers to the Rescue aircraft.

Cuban officials said they had filed multiple complaints with the U.S. State Department, the Federal Aviation Administration, and the International Civil Aviation Organization regarding more than 25 alleged violations between 1994 and 1996. “The Revolutionary Government condemns in the strongest terms the despicable accusation by the United States Department of Justice,” the statement said.

Cuba also accused Washington of distorting the historical record and using the case to justify tougher sanctions and continued pressure on the island.

RELATED: Is Washington Preparing Another Bay Of Pigs In Cuba?

Caribbean Crime – More Than A Public Health Crisis

By Dr. Isaac Newton

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Weds. May 20, 2026: At sixteen, a boy in Kingston leaves school hungry and comes home with gang money in his pocket. In Port of Spain, a fisherman shut out of legal work turns to trafficking guns instead of fish. In Bridgetown, a mother working two jobs still cannot fully shield her son from the pull of the streets. In St. Kitts and Nevis, one violent incident can reshape how an entire generation of young people understands safety. Across the region, Caribbean crime is no longer confined to law enforcement. It encompasses public health, broken opportunity, and lost hope.

Violence spreads like sickness. It moves through homes, schools, and neighborhoods where fear becomes normal and trauma goes untreated. The research of Harvard scholars Deborah Prothrow-Stith and Felton Earls makes this clear. In the book Deadly Consequences, Prothrow-Stith explains that violence behaves like a contagious disease. Earls demonstrates that when trust breaks down, families weaken, and communities lose hope, crime rises. A child in St. Vincent who grows up surrounded by conflict may begin to see violence as normal. A young person in Antigua and Barbuda exposed to gang influence may start to associate respect with fear rather than character.

But violence is not only a public health issue. It is also a systemic issue shaped by history and structure. Slavery, colonial inequality, corruption, weak institutions, political division, and global criminal networks all shape today’s reality. In St. Lucia, domestic instability can affect school performance and emotional development. In Dominica, even talented students may feel pressure to migrate when local opportunities seem too limited. In Guyana, rapid development can still leave some communities behind, creating space for criminal recruitment. Crime grows where opportunity feels inaccessible or unjust.

This is why the Caribbean must ask both how to punish crime, and how to prevent it before it begins. Sports must become one of the region’s strongest crime fighting tools. A football field or cricket pitch is more than recreation. It provides structure, discipline, identity, and protection. In Trinidad and Tobago, organized sports can redirect energy away from street conflict. In Jamaica, athletics programs can become daily anchors that keep young people engaged, focused, and supported during vulnerable hours.

While sports are part of the solution, there must also be a clear bridge from sports to education and from education to opportunity. Schools must prepare students with academic knowledge, emotional intelligence, conflict resolution skills, digital competence, and entrepreneurship. In St. Kitts and Nevis, structured training linked to tourism and robotics services can turn learning into income. In Antigua and Barbuda, apprenticeships in hospitality and digital industries can create direct pathways into employment. In St. Lucia, technical and small business training can transform potential into livelihood. In Dominica, agriculture and ecotourism can connect local talent to sustainable futures without making migration seem like the only option.

Nothing works in isolation. Police cannot do it alone. Schools cannot do it alone. Churches, governments, healthcare systems, and families cannot do it alone. Together, however, they can form a prevention network that identifies risk early and responds before violence takes hold. This is the real choice facing the Caribbean: continue reacting to crime after lives have already been broken, or build systems that protect life before it breaks. In the end, crime is not only a law enforcement issue. It is equally a public health emergency, an education emergency, and an opportunity emergency. The real question is how many children we are willing to allow to believe that violence is their only option.

Editor’s Note: Dr. Isaac Newton is a leadership strategist and governance expert specializing in ethical leadership. Educated at Harvard, Princeton, and Columbia, he advises leaders, educators, and institutions across the Caribbean and internationally on leadership, accountability, and human development.

Is Washington Preparing Another Bay Of Pigs In Cuba?

By NAN Editorial Board | NewsAmericasNow.com

News Americas, WASHINGTON, D..C., Weds. May 20, 2026: Sixty-five years after one of America’s most humiliating foreign policy failures, a chilling pattern of escalation between Washington and Havana is raising an uncomfortable question across the Caribbean and Latin America: Is the United States preparing another Bay of Pigs?

The question is no longer being whispered. Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel is saying it openly. “The threats of military aggression against Cuba by the world’s greatest power are well known,” Díaz-Canel wrote on his X account on Monday. “The threat itself constitutes an international crime. If it materializes, it will provoke a bloodbath with incalculable consequences, in addition to the destructive impact on regional peace and stability.”

The Escalation Timeline

The current crisis has been building rapidly and the pattern mirrors – with uncomfortable precision – the sequence of events that preceded the April 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion.

On January 29, 2026, the Trump administration declared a national emergency citing Cuba as an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to US national security – language that echoed the Cold War framing used by President Eisenhower in the late 1950s as he began planning covert operations against Fidel Castro’s government.

On May 1, 2026, a new executive order dramatically expanded the extraterritorial reach of the US blockade, authorizing secondary sanctions against non-US individuals and entities – including foreign banks – operating in key sectors of the Cuban economy including energy, defense, mining, financial services, and security. The Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs described it as “an act of ruthless economic aggression.”

And on May 18, 2026 – just this week – the US State Department sanctioned 11 Cuban regime-aligned officials and three Cuban government entities in what Washington described as part of its “comprehensive campaign to address the pressing national security threats posed by Cuba’s communist regime.”

Among those sanctioned were Cuba’s Ministry of Interior, the national revolutionary police force, and the Directorate of Intelligence – the island’s primary intelligence agency. Eleven named Cuban officials, including military commanders, intelligence chiefs, and cabinet ministers, were also designated, with all their US-held property blocked.

Cuba Fires Back

Díaz-Canel did not mince words in his response, delivered directly to his X account on Monday – the same day the sanctions were announced. “The collective punishment to which the Cuban people are being subjected is an act of genocide that must be condemned by international organizations and its promoters prosecuted,” the Cuban president wrote.

He described the executive order expanding secondary sanctions as “immoral, illegal, and criminal,” and pushed back directly against US claims that Cuba poses a national security threat. “Cuba does not represent a threat, nor does it have any aggressive plans or intentions against any country,” Díaz-Canel wrote. “Cuba, which already suffers multidimensional aggression from the United States, does have the absolute and legitimate right to defend itself against a military onslaught.”

The Cuban president also addressed the sanctions targeting regime officials directly, saying: “In the leadership of our Party, State, Government, and its military institutions, no one has any assets or property to protect under US jurisdiction. The US government knows this perfectly well, so much so that there isn’t even any evidence to present.”

The Bay Of Pigs Parallel

The historical echoes are impossible to ignore for anyone familiar with the events of 1961. The Bay of Pigs Invasion – a failed US military landing operation on Cuba’s southwestern coast in April 1961 – followed a strikingly similar escalation sequence. The US imposed an embargo on Cuba. Washington severed diplomatic relations. The CIA trained and funded a paramilitary force of Cuban exiles. Military threats escalated. And then, on April 17, 1961, over 1,400 CIA-backed paramilitaries launched an invasion that was defeated within three days by Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces – becoming one of the most catastrophic foreign policy failures in American history.

As documented in historical records, the failure solidified Castro’s role as a national hero, widened the political divide between the two nations, emboldened other Latin American groups to undermine US influence in the region, and pushed Cuba closer to the Soviet Union – directly setting the stage for the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962.

Today’s escalation follows the same arc: embargo tightened, secondary sanctions expanded, military threats issued, Cuban government officials designated and sanctioned, and a Cuban president warning publicly of war.

What It Means For The Caribbean

For the broader Caribbean – which has consistently called for an end to the US embargo on Cuba through CARICOM resolutions – the escalating confrontation carries serious regional implications. Any military confrontation between the United States and Cuba would have immediate consequences for Caribbean tourism, trade, migration patterns, and regional stability. Cuba sits at the geographic heart of the Caribbean Sea – a military conflict there would be felt from Jamaica to Trinidad to the Bahamas.

CARICOM nations have for decades maintained diplomatic and trade relationships with Cuba that put them at odds with US policy. The expansion of secondary sanctions to foreign entities doing business with Cuba now puts Caribbean businesses and banks operating in sectors like energy and financial services at potential risk of US sanctions exposure.

History’s Warning

As Chester Bowles, a senior US official at the time of the Bay of Pigs, wrote in his memoir: “The humiliating failure of the invasion shattered the myth of a New Frontier run by a new breed of incisive, fault-free supermen. However costly, it may have been a necessary lesson.”

The question in 2026 is whether Washington has learned that lesson – or whether the Caribbean is about to watch history rhyme again?

RELATED: King Kong And The Island: America’s Moral Collapse And Cuba

The Growing Influence Of Guyana In The Caribbean: From The Dominican Republic To Haiti

By  Keith Bernard 

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Mon. May 18, 2026: In the evolving landscape of Caribbean geopolitics, Guyana is emerging as one of the region’s most influential states. Fueled by one of the world’s fastest-growing oil economies, the country is building strategic partnerships that reflect both economic ambition and regional responsibility. Nowhere is this more evident than in Guyana’s rapidly expanding relationship with the Dominican Republic and its humanitarian-driven engagement with Haiti.

These two relationships reveal a changing Caribbean order – one increasingly shaped by economic pragmatism, energy security, and geopolitical influence. The relationship between Guyana and the Dominican Republic has accelerated dramatically since 2023. Although the two countries maintained diplomatic ties for decades, cooperation remained limited until Guyana’s oil boom transformed the country into a major regional economic player.

That changed with the appointment of the Dominican Republic’s first resident ambassador to Guyana and the signing of multiple bilateral agreements covering energy, agriculture, infrastructure, tourism, security, and trade. These agreements quickly evolved from diplomatic gestures into concrete economic initiatives.

One of the clearest signs of growing cooperation was the establishment of chambers of commerce in both Georgetown and Santo Domingo in 2024. These institutions were designed to promote bilateral investment and deepen private-sector collaboration between the two economies.

Connectivity also improved significantly with the launch of direct flights between Georgetown and Santo Domingo by Sky High Dominicana. The new route strengthened tourism, trade, and business travel, making economic integration far easier than in previous years.

Trade between the two countries has since increased substantially. Dominican Ambassador Ernesto Torres-Pereyra described the relationship as having “basically no limit,” reflecting growing optimism about future economic opportunities.

Energy remains the centerpiece of the partnership. Guyana’s massive offshore oil discoveries have attracted regional and international interest, and the Dominican Republic is positioning itself as a key partner in the emerging petroleum economy. At the 2025 Guyana Energy Conference, Dominican President Luis Abinader announced ongoing agreements connected to the Berbice oil block. For the Dominican Republic – the Caribbean’s largest economy – Guyana represents both an energy supplier and a model for economic transformation through natural resources.

For Guyana, the Dominican Republic offers technical expertise, a large consumer market, investment capital, and growing geopolitical influence. The partnership demonstrates how Caribbean nations are increasingly forming alliances based on shared economic interests rather than traditional regional structures alone.

Agriculture has also become an important pillar of cooperation. In 2025, the two countries signed a major agreement for large-scale coffee and cocoa cultivation in Guyana’s Region One. The initiative is expected to generate thousands of tonnes of cocoa production while creating employment and investment opportunities for local communities.

In contrast, Guyana’s relationship with Haiti is rooted less in economics and more in regional responsibility and humanitarian concern. Haiti has been a full member of CARICOM since 2002, yet years of political instability and violence have severely limited opportunities for economic cooperation. Since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, Haiti has faced escalating gang violence, state collapse, and a worsening humanitarian crisis.

As CARICOM Chair and a member of the United Nations Security Council, Guyanese President Mohamed Irfaan Ali has taken a leading diplomatic role in efforts to stabilize Haiti. In February 2024, Guyana hosted the 46th CARICOM Heads of Government Meeting in Georgetown, where the Haiti crisis dominated discussions. President Ali coordinated meetings with international partners, including the United States, Canada, France, and the United Nations, to support a political transition and restore constitutional governance in Haiti.

Guyana also supported CARICOM-led negotiations that encouraged commitments toward future elections and transitional governance structures. In March 2024, President Ali joined regional and international leaders in Jamaica to announce plans for a transitional presidential council aimed at stabilizing Haiti.

Despite these efforts, the limitations facing CARICOM are significant. Caribbean states, including Guyana, lack the military and financial resources necessary to resolve Haiti’s crisis independently. Their role has therefore focused largely on diplomacy, humanitarian advocacy, and international coordination. The contrast between Guyana’s relationships with the Dominican Republic and Haiti reflects a broader transformation in Caribbean diplomacy.

With the Dominican Republic, Guyana sees economic opportunity, investment, and strategic growth. With Haiti, it sees a moral and regional obligation grounded in Caribbean solidarity and stability. Together, these relationships highlight Guyana’s emergence as a regional power balancing economic ambition with diplomatic leadership. As oil wealth continues reshaping the country’s influence, Guyana is redefining its role not only within CARICOM but across the wider Caribbean basin.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Keith Bernard is a Guyanese-born, NYC-based analyst and a frequent contributor to News Americas.

RELATED: CARICOM Rift Deepens As Trinidad Aligns Closer With U.S., Venezuela

Jeffrey Epstein Caribbean Island Back In The Spotlight – And A Trump Cabinet Member Is At The Center

By Staff Reporter | NewsAmericasNow.com

News Americas, WASHINGTON, D.C., Mon. May 18, 2026: Jeffrey Epstein’s Caribbean island is back in the international spotlight – and this time a sitting member of President Donald Trump’s cabinet is at the center of the storm.

US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, a billionaire and former Wall Street investment banker, told the US House Oversight Committee last week that a 2012 visit to Little Saint James – the infamous private island in the US Virgin Islands once owned by convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein – amounted to nothing more than “chitchat,” according to a transcript of the May 6th closed-door interview released last week, as reported by MS Now.

The revelation puts fresh and unwanted attention on the US Virgin Islands at a time when the Caribbean territory has been working to move past its association with one of the most notorious criminal cases in American history.

“Just Chitchat” On Epstein’s Island

U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick departs following a closed transcribed interview with the House Oversight Committee in the Rayburn House Office Building on May 6, 2026 in Washington, DC. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

As MS Now reported, Lutnick told lawmakers he had “no recollection of anything being discussed” during his visit to Little Saint James. “If you said chitchat, I’d go with that,” Lutnick said according to the released transcript. “‘Discussed’ sounds like there was like a discussion, which I don’t think there was.”

Lutnick told the committee that Epstein’s staff invited him to the island for lunch after learning he and his family would be vacationing in the Caribbean – though Lutnick said he had no idea how Epstein’s staff learned of his travel plans, describing it as “unsettling,” as MS Now reported. He described the visit as part of a family trip to the US Virgin Islands with his wife, children, friends, and nannies.

A Next-Door Neighbor For 14 Years

The Caribbean island visit was not Lutnick’s only connection to Epstein. As MS Now reported, Lutnick told lawmakers that Epstein lived next door to his family for 14 years – first meeting the financier in 2005 when Epstein’s staff knocked on his door and invited him for coffee.

Despite 14 years as neighbors, Lutnick insisted he interacted with Epstein in person only three times – describing each encounter as “meaningless and inconsequential.” During one visit, Lutnick said he asked Epstein about a massage table in his living room. Epstein replied “Every day and the right kind of massage,” according to the transcript reported by MS Now. Lutnick said he and his wife left shortly after.

Democrats Push Back

As MS Now reported, Democrats on the committee accused Lutnick of being evasive – particularly when asked whether Trump administration officials had instructed him on what to say. Lutnick’s interview was notably different from others who have appeared before the committee. Unlike former President Bill Clinton, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and billionaire Les Wexner – who all gave formal depositions — Lutnick’s testimony was a transcribed interview that was not recorded on video, MS Now reported.

Lutnick has denied any wrongdoing. As MS Now noted, his appearance in the Epstein files does not imply guilt.

The Caribbean Island At The Center Of It All

Little Saint James – long dubbed “Epstein Island” – sits in the US Virgin Islands and remains one of the most scrutinized pieces of real estate in the Caribbean.

As Moneywise reported, the island was purchased in 2023 by Stephen Deckoff, founder of Black Diamond Capital Management, who paid less than half the asking price and announced plans for a luxury resort. As Moneywise noted, today there is no sign of that resort or any momentum toward it. The island continues to attract unwanted attention – drone operators, conspiracy theorists, and trespassers arriving by jet ski — as the ongoing release of Epstein files by the Trump administration keeps the case alive in the public consciousness, Moneywise reported.

For the US Virgin Islands – a US Caribbean territory that depends heavily on tourism and foreign investment – the continued international spotlight on Little Saint James represents an ongoing reputational challenge that shows no signs of fading, particularly as Washington’s appetite for Epstein-related revelations intensifies.

RELATED: Five Claims The US Virgin Islands Lawsuit Against Jeffrey Epstein’s Estate Makes

Trump’s State Visit To Beijing And The New Cold War On Asia

By Tings Chak

News Americas, NEW YORK, NY, Thurs. May 14, 2026: From Beijing this week, the first US state visit to China in nine years is being staged for the world to see. The Great Hall of the People is open to Donald Trump, who has traveled with eighteen US executives – Apple, Tesla, BlackRock, Boeing, and Nvidia among them. A state banquet on Thursday, followed by tea and lunch on Friday.

On the streets of Beijing, ‘the Beast‘ has been securing the motorcade route since last week, flown in by C-17 ahead of Trump’s arrival to meet with Chinese president Xi Jinping. The international mainstream press is calling this a thaw between Washington and Beijing. Trump’s actions seem to speak otherwise.

Encountering a Different China

The last US state visit to Chinese soil was Trump’s own, in November 2017 – at the start of the US-imposed trade war that would deepen under Biden and intensify in his second presidency. The China that received him then was still learning to respond to the aggressions. The China that receives him now has spent nine years diversifying its export markets, building supply chain autonomy, developing the technological leverage to push back, while turning towards Global South countries. Trump’s failed tariff war against China ended up hurting its own economy and people more than China’s, and Beijing’s export controls on rare earth elements ultimately forced Trump to back down. The eighteen US executives in the delegation, including Tim Cook, Elon Musk and Nvidia’s Jensen Huang, have come because their companies cannot do without the Chinese market. The economic instruments of US containment have not produced the result Washington wanted.

The War on Iran

Since 28 February, the illegal US-Israeli war on Iran—which postponed this summit by six weeks – has killed Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and thousands of Iranian civilians. Meanwhile, more than 2,700 civilians have been killed in Lebanon, where US-Israeli strikes continue.

In retaliation against the US-Israeli aggression, Iranian missiles and drones have struck fifteen US military sites across Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE – Al Udeid Air Base alone hit by 44 missiles and 8 drones, with 217 structures damaged or destroyed and an estimated $5 billion in repair costs. In its eleventh week, despite the US naval blockade and bombings, Iran has mounted sustained resistance and the war has not gone as Washington predicted. It has made unmistakable what anti-war movements across our region have long argued: the bases sold to host nations are not shields but targets.

In the days immediately before his arrival, Trump rejected Tehran’s peace proposal as ‘garbage‘. On 11 May – the eve of his departure – the US Treasury sanctioned twelve more individuals and companies over Iran-China oil trade, and the same day, a group of US senators urged Trump to approve a new $14 billion arms package for Taiwan.

Beijing has not been silent. On 2 May, in answer to an earlier round of US sanctions on five Chinese refineries, China invoked its anti-sanctions Blocking Rules for the first time since their introduction in 2021: the US measures “shall not be recognized, enforced, or complied with” within Chinese territory. The Chinese Foreign Ministry called them illegal and unilateral, without basis in international law. Though the defiance was not unconditional – Chinese banks have been quietly advised to limit exposure to the sanctioned refiners—the public position is clear. In the same week, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi received Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi in Beijing. China remains Iran’s largest trading partner and the principal buyer of its oil.

An Architecture of Containment

Iran is not the only war backdrop. Across the region, the architecture of US military presence is being expanded and accelerated. The same week of Trump’s visit, the largest joint military exercises in Philippine history concluded – Balikatan 2026, with seventeen thousand foreign troops from seven nations, Japanese anti-ship missiles positioned on Filipino soil, and a new US fuel depot in the south of the country. In central Luzon, the Philippines has granted 4,000 acres in New Clark City to the Pax Silica Initiative—a US-controlled high-tech zone operating under US common law and granted diplomatic immunity, on a lease renewable for 99 years.

On 28 April, the commander of US Forces in Korea, General Xavier Brunson, told the Japan Times that Washington is building a ‘kill web‘—a networked system fusing Korea, Japan and the Philippines into a single architecture against China, Russia and North Korea. In August 2025, Trump told reporters of the US base at Pyeongtaek that he would like to “get ownership of the land where we have a massive military base” in South Korea, a country where the US has 66 military bases. In Japan, military spending is being doubled – the largest rearmament since 1945 – with 400 US Tomahawk missiles purchased, a project that has continued and accelerated under right-wing Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi. For Taiwan, Trump authorized $11 billion in arms in December, the largest package in history, and has told the press he intends to discuss arms sales—with Xi himself.

From Hyperimperialism to Hands off Asia

What is on display in Beijing this week is not a thaw, and the executives traveling with Trump are not a sign of moderation. The economic and military aggression against China are two halves of the same project of containment. This is hyperimperialism: an empire turning increasingly to force as its economic dominance erodes, with China and other Global South countries defending their sovereignty as the primary targets. Trump’s transactional style is not a departure from US imperialism but the form it takes when its economic instruments no longer deliver.

The Hands Off Asia campaign, launched on 30 April—the anniversary of the liberation of Vietnam—by the International People’s Assembly and partner organizations across our region, calls for the removal of foreign military bases from Asia, the cancellation of aggressive pacts like AUKUS and the Quad, and the redirection of military spending towards the needs of our peoples. The architecture being expanded across our region was not built to protect the people but to encircle China and discipline the rest of Asia. As Trump arrives in Beijing this week, no deal signed at the Great Hall will hide what his administration is building across our region—and the peoples of those places, from Okinawa to Subic, from Pyeongtaek to Tehran, see this war-mongering for what it is and oppose it, calling for: Hands off Asia.

EDITOR’S NOTE:  This article was produced by Globetrotter. Tings Chak is the Asia co-coordinator of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and co-editor of Wenhua Zongheng: A Journal of Contemporary Chinese Thought. She is based in Beijing.

Source: Globetrotter